When rights collide
A case at Tufts pits freedom of religion against gay rights. The way it's
resolved could influence campuses nationwide.
by Kristen Lombardi
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TUFTS
students want the school's nondiscrimination policy strengthened.
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For months now, Tufts University in Medford has captured the attention of
private colleges across the nation -- but certainly not their envy. This small
liberal-arts school has been embroiled in debate over a high-profile student
complaint that pits religious freedom against gay rights.
It's a complicated case, and trying to understand it can seem like peeling an
onion: just when you think you're done, you realize that there's another layer.
One side has the Constitution behind it, specifically the First Amendment's
right to the free exercise of religion and freedom of speech. The other is
bolstered by local nondiscrimination laws. Yet the conflict between the two is
so intricate that some gay-rights advocates have come out in support of
evangelical Christians who disavow homosexuality. At the same time, religious
leaders at Tufts, including a Jewish rabbi and a Catholic priest, have thrown
their support behind gay and lesbian students. As Paula Ettlebrick of the
Washington, DC-based National Gay and Lesbian Task Force observes, "The case is
a classic dilemma that illustrates the long-standing tension between civil
rights and civil liberties."
Campus strife
Gay students and
faculty have long viewed Tufts as a welcoming, safe place. But that view was
shattered when the student judiciary board ruled that a school evangelical
group that had excluded an openly lesbian Christian from taking a leadership
role could remain on campus. The ruling, in essence, said that the religious
group was able to exclude the student because of her belief that being a
lesbian is okay.
Says Howard Soloman, a history professor at Tufts for nearly three decades:
"This ruling would never have happened with race, gender, or any other
category. It has made gay and lesbian people here feel vulnerable, anxious, and
even betrayed."
Thea Lavin, 21, an outspoken and openly gay senior, echoes the sentiment,
saying, "The queer community assumed the university would protect us. . . . The
ruling made us realize it was all an illusion."
Just hours after the decision became public, about 35 students from campus
organizations including the Tufts Hillel, the Pan-African Alliance, and the
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered (LGBT) Collective formed a new group
-- Tufts Students Against Discrimination (TSAD) -- to press the administration
to stand firm against what they call an obvious misinterpretation of school
policy.
And TSAD has kept up the pressure. Nearly every week, members have handed out
literature that trumpets their cause, papered student hangouts with fliers, and
erected 30-foot-long banners that declare WE'RE STILL HERE, END THE SILENCE,
and WHERE'S OUR POLICY? before Ballou Hall, the heart of Tufts
administration.
Their most dramatic action came on October 23, when some 500 students and
faculty supporters gathered at the university library armed with a defiant
attitude and posters that read STOP THE HATE and CAUTION: DISCRIMINATION AHEAD.
From there, the crowd marched through the well-manicured quadrangle to Ballou,
playing drums and chanting "2-4-6-8, we don't discriminate." They then
delivered to Tufts University president John DiBiaggio petitions signed by 1300
students -- nearly 25 percent of the student body -- demanding that he
uphold the "spirit" of the nondiscrimination policy.
DiBiaggio says he's "heartened" by the current activism around this case. "I'm
glad to see this level of involvement from students," he says. At the same
time, however, he is quick to dismiss the notion that the student-judiciary
decision has somehow nullified school policy. As far as he's concerned, he
says, "our policy is very clear on this issue."
DiBiaggio isn't alone in his sentiment. Sophomore Megan Liotta, 19, wrote a
stinging article about TSAD for the weekly campus paper Primary Source,
in which she likened the coalition's response to a "juvenile emotional
reaction." Liotta points out that Tufts students who do find fault with the
student-judiciary decision are actually the minority, albeit a highly vocal
one. "Most students are uninformed about the ruling," she says, "but they got
caught up in a debate that looks like a noble cause. It's very attractive to
fight against discrimination."
Minorities, Liotta says, aren't the only ones feeling besieged. "It's tense for
everyone," she explains. "For conservatives, too. If you're not wearing a
gay-pride pin, you're labeled a bigot and a homophobe. The campus is very
hostile right now."
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The case was decided back in April, when an evangelical-Christian student group
was stripped of its status as a legitimate campus organization because it had
refused to allow a lesbian member to hold a leadership position. The decision,
which was made by a seven-member student judiciary panel, sparked a deluge of
mail from conservative religious groups and civil libertarians, who demanded
that the university restore the group's standing. Last month, after an appeal
and a closed-door, seven-hour hearing, the student judiciary reversed its
decision.
For all intents and purposes, the controversy at Tufts should be over.
In many ways, however, it's only just begun.
In the past month, scores of letters to the editor and editorials have appeared
in the school's three student publications, the Tufts Daily, the
Observer, and the Primary Source. The Daily alone has
published 10 opinion columns from students, arguing back and forth about the
decision. For many, campus life has
become polarized. Students are either for the ruling or against it -- and on
both sides, people feel under attack. One student, a senior who has protested
the most recent decision, goes so far as to characterize the climate on campus
as a "domestic war," explaining, "The atmosphere is tense. Students are pitted
against each other and the administration."
Tufts administrators, meanwhile, have issued two statements to the school
community about the decision. On November 6, university president John
DiBiaggio circulated an e-mail message to students, faculty, and staff, in
which he recognized the recent outcry: "Some members . . . continue to be
concerned about the university's commitment to tolerance, nondiscrimination,
and protection of individual rights." He went on to "reaffirm unequivocally"
that Tufts bars discrimination, but also made a clear attempt to appease both
sides. "We support freedom of speech," he wrote. "We support freedom of
religion. We support freedom from discrimination based on sexual
orientation."
Tufts University isn't the only academic institution facing such a conflict. In
Vermont, students, faculty, and administrators at Middlebury College are
considering whether to require its Christian Fellowship chapter to permit gays
to hold leadership posts after a gay male student filed a complaint similar to
the one at Tufts. And evangelical students at Grinnell College in Iowa had
their campus status rescinded three years ago after they required student
leaders to agree that sex should be engaged in only by heterosexual, married
couples; the group hopes to regain recognition.
But the Tufts case seems to be a tipping point. The New York Times and
U.S. News & World Report have written about it. An extensive May 16
report in the Chronicle of Higher Education, a weekly trade magazine,
set off a wave of debate within academic circles. Professors and administrators
from schools as far-flung as the University of Southern California, Mount
Scenario College in Wisconsin, Duke University in North Carolina, and the
University of South Florida sent letters to the Chronicle, and as many
as 89 readers participated in the publication's Web-site chat forum on the case
-- more than participated in any other chat forum this year.
Given all this attention, the university could set a nationwide precedent for
how these cases are handled. If the administration overturns the latest
decision by the student judiciary board, it could send a clear message about
how it expects its nondiscrimination policy to be followed. Because Tufts is a
private university, after all, the administration has the power to determine
where it wants to put its money. "Tufts does have a right to decide viewpoint
if it wants," Ettlebrick explains. "Ultimately, the university can say, `A
group that discriminates doesn't belong on this campus.' " But by letting the
decision stand, it could send another message.
Sheldon Steinbach, vice-president and general counsel at the Washington,
DC-_based American Council on Education (ACE), explains that although academics
haven't hung on every development, the Tufts case "has raised interesting
practical and theoretical issues for colleges nationwide." According to
Steinbach, campuses across the country have witnessed increasing numbers of
openly gay and lesbian students -- and, at the same time, of conservative
Christian organizations. So the underlying question being debated at Tufts --
whether a religious student group that views homosexual activity as
inappropriate should be compelled to accept gay members as leaders -- is one
that could arise anywhere. As Steinbach explains, "This case is an initial
entrée into an area that might become contentious in upcoming years."
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