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Primary colored (continued)


CIAMPA BRISTLES at the notion that one legislative vote could overshadow his entire 16-year political career. "I am not the one-issue candidate," he says, when asked if he has alienated constituents by backing the proposed constitutional amendment. Although Ciampa acknowledges that his position on gay marriage has angered many in his district — gay and straight alike — he still defends it. He has listened to opinions on both sides of the debate. He has thought "long and hard" about his decision. And he believes his ConCon vote reflects a middle-of-the-road ideology that appeals to the vast majority of constituents in his district: "It was a vote to allow for civil unions and to let the people have a say."

Besides, Ciampa takes obvious pride in the fact that he remained true to his convictions. "I stood up for my beliefs and that is important," he maintains. "I cannot expect to make all my constituents happy. The best I can do is vote how I believe."

Ciampa, in other words, is who he is and is not about to pretend otherwise — no matter how strong a challenge he may be facing. A fixture in Somerville politics since the 1970s, he comes across as an old-school politician, amicable and personable, the kind of legislator who concerns himself more with the nuts and bolts of constituent services than with the big ideas of legislation. One Somerville political insider, who disagrees with the incumbent’s stance on gay marriage but nonetheless plans to back him in the primary election, sums up Ciampa’s reputation succinctly: "Vinnie is an honest, straightforward, hard-working kind of guy who delivers results, not rhetoric. Saying you’re angry at Vinnie for one narrow vote might not be enough when someone has a record of accomplishment like his."

Ciampa also plays up his experience. He runs through a list of examples demonstrating how he has brought home the proverbial bacon, including everything from school aid to road-construction projects to affordable-housing initiatives. Among the biggest accomplishments he cites are his collaborative efforts at the State House to secure $6.9 million to hire new state troopers, $290 million to avert the closure of financially strapped nursing homes, and $1 billion to build state-of-the-art schools, including three in the district. Ultimately, he concludes, "My experience on the Hill will deliver, and people who know me understand that is very important."

As Ciampa knocks on doors in the South Medford neighborhood, a bastion of long-established Italian families who have consistently backed the incumbent, his record of achievement seems almost a given. He walks along Bow Street and calls out to people he already knows. One enthusiastic couple offers to put up one of his maroon-and-white campaign signs on their lawn. When Ciampa thanks the couple for their support, the husband shrugs and says, "I don’t know why you’re working so hard. If you’ve got eight terms, you must be doing something right." Another man sits on his front stoop, consumed by the business of playing scratch tickets. "What’re you doing?" Ciampa asks, good-naturedly. The man looks up and smiles. "Hey, I know you!" he says, before promising his vote. "You’re doing a fine job, my friend, and I’ll vote for you again."

Rarely does Ciampa engage in lengthy discussions about the issues of the day, let alone the gay-marriage controversy. And that appears to be fine with these residents. Only once does a crotchety old man stick his head out the side door of his South Medford house to rail against "those who want to tarnish traditional marriage." Ciampa listens politely as the man launches into a tirade — "If you do anything to jeopardize marriage, I won’t be for you, no way, no how." Then Ciampa mentions his vote to "let the people have a say" on the ballot, and thanks the man for his time. The man grimaces and slams the door, prompting Ciampa to offer up this observation: "I think I’ve heard that kind of extreme reaction maybe three times so far." Most voters, he explains, "are real quiet about gay marriage. It’s not on their radar."

THAT, IT SEEMS, is exactly what the pro-gay-marriage forces are counting on come September 14. Traditionally, primary elections at the state level do not attract hordes of voters to the polls. (Although the district boasts as many as 20,000 registered Democrats, an unopposed Ciampa won just 8596 votes in the last state election; in 2000, he got 10,552 votes.) This time, the district has a choice of Democratic candidates, which may draw a greater crowd than usual. But while the pending constitutional amendment has motivated those who want to defeat it to get involved in this race, the same cannot be said for the other side. Indeed, of all the gay-marriage opposition groups, only the die-hard Article 8 Alliance has identified the Sciortino-Ciampa race as one of seven "critical" House primary races for its members to watch.

Marty Rouse, the director of MassEquality, which has called on its members to work on Sciortino’s behalf, explains that "very few people vote during the primaries." So if the pro-gay-marriage contingent can mobilize its supporters and get them to the polls, "they could make the difference in this race."

This is not to say that Sciortino has the election in the bag. After eight terms at the State House, Ciampa enjoys his share of advantages — wide name recognition, a lengthy record, institutional backing. He has successfully fought two challenges from liberal candidates in the past, and he knows how to call out the troops. If anything, the political newcomer has his work cut out for him.

As Sciortino canvasses the Ten Hills neighborhood, he approaches an elderly man who has a confused expression on his face. Introducing himself, Sciortino pulls out a copy of his campaign literature. "Oh, yes, Carl!" the man says. "Now I recognize you." The man offers a hearty handshake. He listens to the candidate’s talking points. He even comments that "it’s not so good" that "Vinnie has been in office for so long." But when Sciortino asks how he will vote, the man replies, "To be honest, I really don’t know."

Can Sciortino win over these voters, people who don’t appear to care about the gay-marriage issue one way or the other? Does he have the juice to knock off the 16-year incumbent? At this point, it’s hard to tell. But if Sciortino does end up the victor come Tuesday night, one thing seems certain: his win would send a message to Ciampa that the 34th Middlesex District does, in fact, embrace full civil marriage for gays and lesbians. And in a larger sense, a Sciortino win would send a message to those legislators who back the constitutional amendment — many of whom face similar challenges on the issue in the upcoming general elections. "If Carl wins," observes Marty Martinez, a member of the Progressive Democrats of Somerville, which endorsed Sciortino in part because of his stance on gay marriage, "it will show that progressives who care about equal rights for all are going to pick off those middle-of-the-road Democrats who don’t."

Win or lose, Martinez concludes, "Carl’s candidacy already shows that we’re ready to fight back."

Kristen Lombardi can be reached at klombardi[a]phx.com

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Issue Date: September 10 - 16, 2004
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