Silent killer
Media reports about Cunanan said more about homophobia than about his crimes
by Michael Bronski
The Andrew Cunanan story sparked a media blitz to rival the O.J. frenzy, but
when Cunanan's apparent suicide last month swept the story off page one,
several facts became
obvious. In the beginning -- when the only victims were gay men -- the press
had little interest in the case. And when the story picked up, after the murder
of the allegedly straight Chicago businessman Lee Miglin, the media displayed
little capacity for understanding the gay world in which Cunanan lived. It was
their fanciful vision of gay life -- extrapolated from flimsy evidence and
colored with lurid and less-than-imaginative detail -- that took center stage.
The tone of the coverage was immediately apparent in the way the press, in
violation of its usual standards, insistently referred to Cunanan as a "gay
serial killer." (Would mainstream journalists ever use the phrases "black
serial killer" or "Jewish serial killer"? And would Cunanan, who was
half-Filipino, be called a "Filipino serial killer"?) More fascinating,
however, was the way the media constructed and re-constructed images of Andrew
Cunanan, each of them a variation on the theme of the evil, dangerous
homosexual. These images -- often based on nothing more than hearsay or
conjecture -- tell us more about the fantasies and fears of heterosexuals and
the mainstream media than about the facts of the case.
Take, for instance, that endless prattle about whether Cunanan had sex for
money. Cunanan was repeatedly labeled a "hustler," a "call boy," a "gold
digger," a "high-priced prostitute," and a "kept boy" -- all phrases that, in a
culture where men are required to be economically productive, made him seem
less of a man. One report even noted, in a condemnatory tone, that "he
selectively dated wealthy older men." (As opposed to what? Indiscriminately
dating older men?) The reality is that we know only this: Cunanan lived, for
several years, with an older man and had a lot of discretionary spending money.
The same could be said of Ivana Trump, Princess Diana, or any number of other
women, the only difference being that Ivana and Di had access to the
institution of marriage.
In his media incarnation as a "kept boy," Cunanan was portrayed in the context
of a vaguely illicit and superficially glamorous social life: he was "always
picking up the tab" or "treating a tableful of friends to dinner." A sour,
mean-spirited tone turned these generally innocent phrases into accusations of
decadence and frivolity. One newspaper report claimed that Cunanan was a
"clever, name-dropping gay socialite who would do anything for attention,"
seemingly implying that these traits were somehow associated with serial
murder. For a journalistic-ethics check, imagine a newspaper describing someone
as a "shrewd, financially well-connected Jewish socialite who would do anything
to get ahead."
After the Versace murder, all media hell broke lose, and speculation flew fast
and furious. Maureen Orth, a journalist who was already at work on a story
about Cunanan for Vanity Fair, came forth with a theory that seemed to
say everything -- and nothing. Orth had discovered that while in Miami, Cunanan
had rented several "pornographic S/M videos." Aha! Orth, appearing on
television's Dateline and other faux-news shows, claimed that she had
spoken to several psychologists who explained that S/M activity had its basis
in unlimited and violent rage. In interviews, Orth presented this plum with
great satisfaction.
The problems, alas, were manifold. What were these videos, and who evaluated
them as S/M? Can we trust Orth, who has exhibited no particular expertise on
gay male sexuality, to make this judgment? Many mid-list videos from such
mainstream companies as Catalina and All Worlds now feature a few leather body
harnesses, a dildo or two, and some light spanking. Is this what Orth took for
S/M? And what if Cunanan had rented hard-core dungeon/torture videos
like Kink Video's Delivery Discipline or Punishment Punks? Does
that mean that he was "into" S/M? Does that mean that S/M equals rage and that
rage equals murder? Orth's worthless rumor-mongering -- reported in the
mainstream media as truth -- was predicated on a complete misunderstanding of
sexual behavior that furthered the image of gay sexuality as monstrous and
murderous.
Perhaps the most shocking example of the media's refusal to let ethics stand
in the way of a good story was the rumor, broadcast in front-page headlines
nationwide, that Cunanan had committed his crimes because he had AIDS. AIDS
FUELS HIS FRENZY, screamed the New York Post, playing into a now-classic
mainstream fear: the AIDS killer. The story had its source in the statement of
an HIV counselor who claimed that Cunanan had mentioned, in passing,
that it was possible he might be HIV-positive. This "fact," in turn, was
promoted by the Miami police as an "explanation" for Cunanan's actions. The
shoddy reporting went over with the public only because there was already a
widespread belief that gay men have AIDS, and that people with AIDS are deadly
and dangerous. When an autopsy showed Cunanan to be HIV-negative, it only
reinforced how idiotic and irresponsible the reports had been.
In what were to be the last stages of the investigation -- and of Cunanan's
life -- theories about the case became even more desperate. After finding hair
clippers in a motel room in which the suspected killer was supposed to have
stayed, the Miami police put out a press release saying they believed that
Cunanan had shaved his body hair and was now in drag, hiding as a woman. The
news media swallowed this nonsense and promoted it in all seriousness. The
cross-dressing theory -- which was based on no evidence, and ignored the fact
that most men would be more conspicuous in drag -- was a monument to the
police and the media's obsession with Cunanan's gayness. The construction of
Cunanan as a killer drag queen turned him into the ultimate deviant, the
apotheosis of heterosexual fears of the queer: the feminized homosexual who
embodies the male fantasy of the lethal woman. This image of the gender traitor
as murderer resonates with Cunanan's earlier media incarnations as the kept boy
and the gossipy gay socialite.
But perhaps the most persistently menacing take on Cunanan had to do with his
invisibility. After the Versace murder, almost every news report ended with a
sort of warning: In spite of intensive police efforts, Andrew Cunanan cannot
be found. He is a master of disguise. He could be anywhere. Cunanan's
elusiveness had as much to do with police incompetence as with anything else,
but the image of Cunanan as an undetectable danger in the midst of innocence is
highly evocative. It recalls the "hidden homosexual" who stalked the popular
imagination of the 1950s: the queer who was passing for straight, the
apparently happy suburban married man who led a secret life in the city. This
terror of the invisible menace runs rampant in cultures that demonize the
outsider and the nonconformist. Fear of the Jew posing as gentile was the
nightmare of Nazi and British Victorian culture; the thought of blacks passing
as white haunted the American South. The media constructed an Andrew Cunanan
who, like Elm Street's Freddy Krueger or the killer from Halloween,
lurked on the edges of reality and could strike at a moment's notice,
instilling terror in the hearts of "normal" people. He was, like homosexuality
itself, a threat to the natural order.
In the end, there was no need to make Andrew Cunanan into anything more
terrifying than what he was: a suspected serial killer. But homosexuality is
still so feared, so fraught with danger, that the mainstream media will
construct gay monsters every chance they get. They need to assure themselves --
over and over again -- that whatever gay is, it is not them.
Michael Bronski is the editor of the recently released Taking
Liberties: Gay Men's Essays on Politics, Culture, and Sex (Richard Kasak
Books). He can be reached at mabronski@aol.com.
Respond to this article.