The partisan
A Marblehead man is trying to rehabilitate the stateside image of Tamil militants
by Ellen Barry
A month ago, almost precisely halfway around the world, three Tamil Tiger
nationalists loaded a truck with explosives, climbed in, and blew themselves up
in front of Sri Lanka's holiest Buddhist temple, the Temple of the Tooth. The
report, when it came, was loud enough to affect the status of Tamils everywhere
-- not only in Colombo, where the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) were
declared illegal, but in London, where the Tamils have headquartered their
international network. In Washington, which classified the Tigers as terrorists
six months ago, the State Department's position against them hardened.
And in a walkup apartment in housing for the elderly in Marblehead,
63-year-old Ramalingam Shanmugalingam saw his mission -- stateside advocacy for
the rights of Tamil nationalists -- get a little harder.
He sits there the following afternoon in a room smelling of incense and lined
with miniature tractors, the accumulated calling cards of 30 years
manufacturing and selling heavy machinery. Sun is slanting through the window
onto a bowl of oranges. Shanmugalingam -- who has learned enough about PR
during 18 years in America to shorten his name to "Shan" -- is making a pitch.
"Say you have a problem in the family," he says. "The husband is an abusive
husband. What do you do? Do you go and massage yourself, go back, and say,
`Start beating me'? Some people do that. We did that. The only way is divorce.
That is the sensible thing to do."
The husband in his metaphor is the government of Sri Lanka, a small island,
population 18 million, off the south coast of India. The wife is the minority
Tamil population, which makes up about 18 percent of the population, and which
is fighting for an autonomous homeland along the north and east coasts of the
island. This exceptionally bloody "domestic dispute" has been going on for 14
years and, according to State Department reports, has claimed 50,000 lives.
Americans were receptive to Tamil grievances until recent years, when the
militant Tigers pulled out of a cease-fire with Sri Lankan government forces
and the international community picked sides in this vicious, ambiguous war.
Last year the State Department added the Tigers to its list of illegal
terrorist organizations, which means the government can deny their supporters
visas and prosecute anyone who donates money to them. But Tamils like
Shanmugalingam -- who believe there is no alternative to secession -- say there
is no one but the Tigers representing their cause. In the eyes of outsiders,
they fall automatically into the category of terrorists. As a result, no one
will even listen to Shanmugalingam's case anymore.
Shanmugalingam, who left his country in 1972 and arrived in the US in 1980,
says he has devoted his retirement to informing American citizens about the
Tamil cause. It's hard not to feel for him -- until, in precisely the same tone
he uses to tally his American-born grandchildren, he starts talking about "the
boys." "The boys" are the Tamil Tigers. Although Shanmugalingam has no official
link to the Tigers, he talks about them as if he knows them personally.
"These fellows have created some ingenious, you know, inventions. They were
making cars run on coconut oil," he says. "There are so many things they are
doing. And I think their success is mostly [due to] the suicide situation. You
know, every Tiger wears a cyanide capsule around his neck. All of them. That is
one of the hallmarks of the Tiger movement."
"I worship them," he says in a later interview. "I tell you, I call them
gods."
To Shanmugalingam, the Tigers are not terrorists at all, but a legitimate
national military force. Right now, this is not a popular point of view.
Amnesty International's 1997 country report on Sri Lanka -- which condemns
government forces for torture, killing, and detention -- also accuses the LTTE
of "grave human rights abuses, including deliberate and arbitrary killings of
Sinhalese [Sri Lanka's ethnic majority] . . . civilians, summary
executions of Tamil people considered to be `traitors,' and torture and
ill-treatment of prisoners and of children who were sometimes forced to join
the armed group."
Shanmugalingam says all these accusations are lies told in the service
of the Sri Lankan government. He says it at length. Angrily.
"What you read in the paper is actually a scenario prepared by public
relations people" working in the US for the Sri Lankans, he says. "There is a
powerful PR machine working. And I am sorry to say these things, but here money
will do anything."
Does he think he has a chance of changing the way Americans think about the
Tamil cause?
"It depends on you," he tells me. "You are an expert at putting the story
together. This is my story. I am not a writer. I can't do it convincingly. That
is why I ask you. The various media should give us a chance. I still believe in
America. Otherwise I wouldn't be here."
In this apartment, sweet-smelling and clean, it's hard to envision the kind of
drawn-out, chaotic, bloody ground war that has produced such contradictory
accounts of the truth. But Shanmugalingam -- who says his ambition is to be
"the Gerry Adams" of the Tiger movement -- sends me home with a videotape
labeled "Military Offensive Against Tamils Living in Sri Lanka." The footage
consists of people who have been blown apart.
Shanmugalingam has some reason to believe that public opinion is elastic. Until
a few years ago, people who paid attention to human-rights issues were quite
sympathetic to the Tamil cause. After the British withdrew from the island in
1947, the Tamils were subjected to increasingly assimilationist policies; they
lost access to government jobs, according to accounts of the conflict by
humanitarian organizations, and Shanmugalingam says they were required to
attend Sinhalese-language school. All along, the Sri Lankan government has
maintained that the country is a "multiethnic, multicultural nation," not
unlike Yugoslavia. But, as in Yugoslavia, those principles sometimes collapsed
into appalling ethnic violence; in 1983, vicious anti-Tamil race riots broke
out in Colombo, killing 400.
Outsiders saw the Tamils as underdogs; in 1979, Shanmugalingam remembers,
governor Ed King declared May 22 Eelam Tamils Day in Massachusetts (Eelam is
the term for the Tamil homeland). Throughout the early '90s, word occasionally
trickled out of Sri Lanka, through tourists, that the Sinhalese-dominated
government had bombed Tamil Hindu temples, killing scores of worshipers.
But the Tamil Tigers have alienated observers in this country. The group --
which took its name as a counter to the Sri Lankans' lion symbol -- had started
its militant campaign for a separate state in the late '70s, and ratcheted up
its activities after the 1983 riots. The Tigers have condemned moderate Tamils
as traitors and have sometimes attacked them; they are commonly held
responsible for the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi and many members of the Sri
Lankan parliament. International bodies report numerous Tiger attacks on
Sinhalese villages. Since the Tigers pulled out of the cease-fire, the
international community has been more and more willing to agree with the Sri
Lankan government's characterization of them as vicious criminals.
The Tigers are "a pretty ruthless armed opposition group that we have
condemned," says Patricia Goffman, a senior researcher at Human Rights Watch.
"There's no question that throughout the war they have committed abuses of
humanitarian law, including massacres of civilians. They're known for
torture."
"One really has to distinguish between [the Tigers] and the Tamil people,"
she adds. "It's hard to gauge how much support the Tigers have now. They
certainly rule by terror in the places they control."
And -- according to their critics -- sometimes overseas, too. In Toronto,
feuds between pro-Tiger Tamils and Tamils critical of the Tigers have become
public and violent, according to press reports. David Jeyaraj, who published
accounts of extortion and intimidation by Tiger representatives, told the New
York-based magazine Masala that gangs in the pay of the pro-Tiger World
Tamil Movement had attacked him one night as he emerged from a movie theater,
breaking both his legs. (Shanmugalingam denies that this event had anything to
do with the Tigers.) Although it's not politic to express direct support for
the Tigers in the West these days, speaking against them carries its own
dangers.
It is understandable, then, that Shanmugalingam doesn't claim to speak for the
Tigers -- but neither is he willing to criticize them in any way. Certainly he
worships the Tigers as warriors. He boasts about their "beautiful selection
process," in which candidates are required to spend six months pasting up
pro-Tiger posters at night, knowing that if they get caught they will be
detained or killed. He sends me, by e-mail, a five-stanza poem he has written
in their honor. But Shanmugalingam also realizes that Americans are more
comfortable if there is a degree of separation between the rebel force and its
international spokespeople. He uses, as an example, Golda Meir's role as a
negotiator for the Zionist cause, or Gerry Adams of Sinn Fein, the Irish
Republican Army's political wing.
"I am not a terrorist," Shanmugalingam says. "If I am in Sri Lanka, yes, I
will be a freedom fighter. I am not. . . . They will not accept
me [because of physical fitness requirements]. I would not really be any use to
them except perhaps by way of [disseminating] propaganda. We want the American
public to understand this is an independence war."
Shanmugalingam has gotten some coaching from a pro. Michael Goldman, the
state's most prominent Democratic political consultant, became interested in
the Tamil cause when Shanmugalingam was working as a service manager at a car
dealership and serviced Goldman's car. Goldman sees direct parallels between
the Tamil struggle and the battle for an Israeli state, and has given
Shanmugalingam advice on how to approach the press -- namely, by explicitly
distancing himself from the Tigers.
"I have no idea of the specific actions of the Tigers," says Goldman, who
consulted with Shanmugalingam pro bono. "But if the Tamils have a problem, it's
that they have failed [to distinguish a political wing]. The Israelis had their
Irgun and their Hagana. One could use other examples. The Civil Rights movement
in America had its Martin Luther Kings and its Malcolm Xes."
It's true that there is, at present, no official mouthpiece for the Tamil
nationalist cause in America; according to Sri Lankan embassy spokesman Prasad
Kariyawasam, anyone espousing a separate Tamil state would automatically be
considered a Tiger.
"The Tamils feel very distressed," says A. Jeyaratnam Wilson, a professor
emeritus of political science at the University of New Brunswick, in Canada,
who is a Tamil himself and has written extensively on Tamil nationalism. The
proscription of the Tigers "drives them into an extreme position" by shutting
them out of the international arena, he adds.
As a result, the Tamils are more and more dependent on the Tigers, who
represent their only shot at an international voice. "We don't have a Nelson
Mandela or a Nehru or a Gandhi, who is charismatic enough to lead them," Wilson
says. And, he says, if a strong non-Tiger Tamil leader did turn up, the Tigers
would likely find some way to eliminate him.
As for Shanmugalingam, he long ago gave up on nonviolent tactics. In 1958, as a
24-year-old graduate of engineering school, he notched his thumb and took a
blood vow with three of his friends to fight for Tamil independence. When the
government required all Tamils to display a Sinhalese character on their
license plates, Shanmugalingam refused. Though he took part in pacifist
Gandhian sit-ins in his 20s, he now dismisses those endeavors as humiliating
and useless.
Shanmugalingam steadfastly denies that the Tigers are ruthless killers -- he
says they've killed, at most, 200 civilians in the 14-year war, a claim that
Amnesty International's Joshua Rubenstein calls "absolutely ridiculous"
(Amnesty estimates number in the "tens of thousands"). And he is at pains to
justify what violence he does acknowledge, including the assassination of
political opposition figures. "It is a civil war," he says. "What else can you
do? You have a foreign army occupying your land."
Although Shanmugalingam admits that eight civilians were killed in the bombing
of the Temple of the Tooth, he says the blame lies partially with the Sri
Lankan government, which "should have been more careful . . . they
underestimate the fervor of the Tamils." He says the Tigers were targeting a
podium outside the temple where the government planned to hold a ceremony the
next day, and the destruction of the temple was "sort of an associated
development. The Sinhala government was doing a diabolic flaunting of their
lies and deceit by staging a 50-year independence [ceremony] to show the
outside world that everything is hunky-dory in Sri Lanka, which it is not."
Even though he is half a world away from the violence, Shanmugalingam's
political views are of international interest to both sides in this struggle.
As foreign governments reached a consensus over the past five years that the
Tigers were not legitimate negotiating partners, the role of overseas Tamils --
people like Shanmugalingam -- became central. In Canada, where a reported
100,000 Tamils have been granted refugee status since the 1983 riots, the Sri
Lankan government has fingered emigrant Tamils as the source of abundant
funding for the Tiger rebels -- Canadian Tamil refugees send home as much as $1
million Canadian a month, Canadian police sources told a Maclean's
reporter in 1996. Prasad Kariyawasam, of the Sri Lankan embassy, gives the
total amount of refugee funding as $2 million per month worldwide, and asserts
that the Tigers could not continue fighting were it not for the support of the
diaspora. Tamil community spokesmen in Toronto dismissed the claims as
propaganda, as does Shanmugalingam. As far as he is concerned, he has nothing
to contribute to the cause except the testimony he is offering to the press.
Of course, Shanmugalingam doesn't have to send his own children into battle
-- unlike other branches of his family, and every other family that does not
have the opportunity to leave the country. Shanmugalingam relates the story of
his niece, who briefly joined the Tigers at 19, until her parents, particularly
her mother, "pleaded with the leadership" to release the girl from service.
This Shanmugalingam found extremely disappointing. He tells the story with some
contempt.
"You see, some women are not brave -- they don't think in those terms," he
says of his brother's wife. "I'm sorry to say this. I was very proud of my
niece. In fact, I wrote a letter to my brother, and said . . . [that]
I was sorry I was not there to sacrifice one of my children."
At present, Shanmugalingam's children are far from any kind of war. His son is
an executive supervisor for UPS in San Diego; his older daughter is married to
an engineer; his younger daughter works for a nonprofit research organization.
All of his children are "very, very sympathetic" to the Tamil cause, he says.
I ask: "Can't they go back?"
He says: "They would, but there is no need."
I ask: "They don't need more people fighting?"
He says: "They need, they need. But the thing is, these children are grown up.
They're married. They are sort of settled. It's not for me to ask."
He doesn't sympathize with this line of questioning. He left the country,
despite his political fervor, for the sake of his family. In 1964, he points
out, he had refused an offer to leave Sri Lanka because he was reluctant to
remove himself from the independence struggle.
I ask: "But then you changed your mind?"
He says: "Because then the children were growing up."
I ask: "And you wanted to save your children?"
He says: "I wanted to save my children."
Ellen Barry can be reached at ebarry[a]phx.com.