About a quarter of the children who come to the Grow Clinic wear their hunger
all over their little bodies. Their hipbones and kneecaps press up through
their skin, which is dry and scaly and pale. Their hair is thin and clumpy, and
often, their teeth are rotten. But these are the worst cases. Most malnourished
kids' problems are less obvious than that.
Our image of hunger is fed by those gut-wrenching TV pictures of children with
distended stomachs in war-tattered or drought-ravaged African countries. In the
developing world, hunger kills children, and does so quickly, because kids go
with no food at all for so long. (It takes an adult three months without food
to die of starvation. It takes a baby just three weeks.)
In America, hunger usually has another shape. "Here, it's a gradual
catastrophe," says Deborah Frank. Here, hunger is more of a chronic disease:
kids miss a meal a day, or a few meals a week, or what they're eating doesn't
come close to meeting their dietary needs. The tangible signs are similarly
subtle. Malnourished four-year-olds could be mistaken for healthy
two-year-olds, for example. Here, hunger is less likely to make ribs stick out
than to make kids prone to frequent illnesses, or to make them slow, or sullen,
or just small.
"Long before it causes changes in physical growth, hunger impairs
cognitive skills," says Frank. "The body tries to hold onto heat and size, so
the kids become less active before the malnutrition shows up in their
height."
"Most children, at least to the eye, get enough calories to maintain their
weight and growth," says Doctor Ron Kleinman, head of the pediatric
gastroenterology and nutrition unit at Mass General. "You see the effects of
hunger by looking more closely into their nutritional profiles."
Many malnourished kids look more like Maria*, a shy three-and-a-half-year-old
with long, curly hair. She stands up straight and proud against a wall in the
Grow Clinic to have her height measured, her little gold-braceleted hands
clasped before her. She was always small for her age. Between birth and age
one, babies are supposed to gain between a half-ounce and an ounce a day, and
their heights should increase by a foot overall. But Maria seemed stuck: as a
baby she grew so slowly that her pediatrician recorded a change only on every
third visit. When she was first referred to the clinic at the age of two and a
half, in January 1997, Maria was the size of an average 15-month-old.
Her mother, Suzanne, who has been on welfare since she had Maria at 15, knew
something was wrong, but she wasn't sure how to fix it. Maria's problem wasn't
just how much she was eating -- although her food intake was alarmingly low --
but also what she was eating. "My mother raised me like, if you get
full, you're eating good," says Suzanne. But she and Maria were getting full on
"soda and junk."
"Maria, can I take a look at you?" asks Frank, a small, short-haired woman
with a lot of energy. She's wearing thick glasses and a friendly shirt with
teddy bears all over it. "I'm not the hurting kind of doctor. Have you been
sick since the last time?" Suzanne answers no for Maria. "Good," says Frank.
"Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah."
Suzanne gets food stamps, but they don't provide enough for Maria's special
needs, so she also gets food from the clinic's pantry, as well as dietary
supplements to accelerate Maria's growth. After regular visits and vigilant
encouragement from Frank, a social worker, and a nutritionist, Maria's mother
finally has her daughter eating the right things, and regularly -- although
breakfast, a crucial meal, is still a battle.
Now, Maria is on her way into the normal weight range for her age: in two and
a half months, she's gained two whole pounds. She'll be counted among the
success stories. Other kids take almost two years to get to where Maria is.
Grow Clinic staffers have also taught Suzanne how to make sure her daughter's
progress continues after her welfare benefits and food stamps run out next
January.
By catching her malnutrition relatively early and treating it so intensively,
doctors have saved Maria from a legion of problems later on.
Hunger can hurt a child even before she is born. Pregnant women who don't get
enough of the right kinds of food give birth to underweight babies, and
underweight babies have much more difficult childhoods than do other children,
especially if deficiencies in their diets continue after birth.
The months between conception and age two are the most crucial of a
baby's life: the brain grows to two-thirds of its adult size during that time.
If children are malnourished in those years, their brain size and learning
capacity can be permanently affected, hobbling them years before they enter
their first schoolroom.
And if hunger continues, the problems multiply. According to the
Massachusetts Community Childhood Hunger Identification Project (CCHIP), hungry
kids from low-income families fall way behind non-hungry kids from low-income
families. They are nine times more likely to lose weight and five times more
likely to experience fatigue, and they are far more susceptible to colds and
lead poisoning. They are four times more likely to have difficulty
concentrating and four times more likely to be absent from school. Children who
are frequently hungry are twice as likely as non-hungry children from the same
background to need special education, or to repeat a grade.
And those physical and mental consequences are matched by behavioral ones.
A study published in the journal Pediatrics in January found that the
prevalence of fighting was seven times higher in families that reported
repeated experiences of hunger than in families that reported none. The
prevalence of stealing was 12 times higher.
In the end, hunger can cost everyone a lot of money. A baby born with a low
birth weight can cost between $20,000 and $50,000 in postnatal care, and for
welfare recipients, Medicaid picks up that tab. The CCHIP estimates that
America spends $700 million a year on special education for kids whose
limitations are primarily a result of low birth weight. And every year a kid is
held back adds thousands of dollars to the cost of his education.
Since Franklin D. Roosevelt was president, the government has viewed the
poor as its responsi-bility, recognizing the need to spend money on citizens in
trouble -- especially when they're children -- to help them become productive
later on. Social Security, AFDC, free and subsidized school lunches,
supplemental food programs for pregnant women and infants -- all of these are
in place to prevent poor folks from getting hungry.
But Roosevelt's New Deal was a product of the Great Depression. It was built
on images of bread lines, of the Dust-Bowl poor loading beat-up trucks with
rickety furniture as they set out in search of work. Now, the public consensus
is that the system of safety nets Roosevelt initiated has gotten out of hand.
President Clinton himself sold welfare reform on promises of making it "a
second chance, not a way of life." Now, the rhetoric goes, folks who have
relied on the state for too long need to come out into the working world and
get jobs. What poverty activists fear is that this will bring a great deal more
hunger out, too.
Hunger is an invisible problem in America because its physical effects usually
aren't immediately obvious. But it's also invisible because the parents of
hungry children want to keep it that way. The people who work in the food
pantries and soup kitchens and even the schools see things that families go to
great lengths to hide from the rest of the world. "It's a shadow
Massachusetts," says Ellen Parker, executive director of Project Bread. "In the
light, it seems like everybody's doing well. But even with all that money
around, there are kids who go to school hungry all over Massachusetts every
day."
Parker knows of a mother who lives in a paid-off house in Andover and whose
husband stopped paying her alimony. She went all the way to Lawrence for
emergency supplies, even though they were available in Andover, because she
knew no one would see here there.
Shame can also make kids themselves reluctant to take advantage of services
that can help them, especially as they get older. When a kid is 10 or 12, he'd
rather die than have the other kids know he qualifies for a reduced-price or
free school lunch, so he'll go without, effectively choosing to wear the
physical, mental, and emotional consequences of hunger instead.
Many clients of the emergency food services Project Bread supports are working
and do not live below the poverty line ($16,056 for a family of four). But the
dearth is in the details -- a parent gets sick, or a kid loses a coat, or an
apartment building catches fire. Or winter comes: a Boston City Hospital study
showed that poor kids' growth actually slows in winter, when money that would
otherwise be spent on food goes to heating bills. So parents end up going to
nonprofits for help. And hating it.
"People who can't afford food get the same messages we do [about the
economy]," Parker says. "They hear that everything's wonderful, so they think,
`What's the matter with me that I can't feed my family?' "
For many families, the coming winter will be much harder than the last.
Starting December 1, families with kids older than four who have been on
welfare for 24 months will be cut off from all benefits. Of the federal
government's $27.7 billion in food-stamp savings between now and 2002,
$528 million will be absorbed by Massachusetts. Project Bread estimates
that half of those cuts will hit families with incomes below the poverty line,
and that families with children will absorb two-thirds of total reductions.
Those who remain on welfare will be subject to work requirements, and many
parents will work in full-time, low-paying jobs. (The annual salary of a
full-time worker making minimum wage is just $10,920 a year.) "What are the
implications for the already overworked mother?" asks Project Bread's Parker.
"Who's going to be there to feed the kids, especially if she needs to travel a
long way to work?"
"We need to be really concerned about institutionalizing emergency food," says
Parker. "An emergency is not something that is supposed to happen every week."
Parker remembers the early '70s, when a homelessness crisis spurred governments
to put money into emergency shelter beds rather than good low-income housing.
She doesn't want the same thing to happen with food. "We need to be thinking
about how to get good, reliable, dependable, government food programs," she
says. Or more realistic welfare reform.
Ron Kleinman is convinced that even something as simple as providing every
schoolchild with a free breakfast would make an enormous difference. "There's a
simple way to ensure that a kid has the optimal opportunity to learn in
school," he says. "Give them a breakfast that costs less than a buck." He's
been testifying before several state legislatures that universal free
breakfasts for kids would vastly improve their ability to learn, saving
everyone money down the line. The response has been mixed, at best. Some
legislators like the idea. Many balk at the prospect of "another handout."
"I tell them they're being unbelievably shortsighted and mean-spirited,"
Kleinman says. "If they looked at it from the child's perspective, they could
see that they could get very big returns from a very small investment."
If we don't do something about hunger now, say Kleinman and fellow advocates,
then when? The Dow Jones is over 9000, yet still more families -- working
families -- are turning up at food-pantry doors. "It's tragic that at a time
when we can afford to help these people, we're not doing it," says Kleinman.
When Deborah Frank looks ahead, she sees a grim picture. "The way some people
survive in other countries where they have no income is to prostitute
themselves," she says. "The numbers of kids in prostitution here will jump.
People will have to eat.
"We're in the developed world. I don't know why our goal is to be like
Brazil."
Yvonne Abraham can be reached at yabraham[a]phx.com.
|