Earthquake weather
Mike Capuano's election to Congress rocked the changing city of Somerville.
Warning: Aftershocks predicted.
Somerville by Ben Geman
When a pro sports team wins a title, the hats and T-shirts
proclaiming them the champions show up instantly, obviously printed in advance.
It's all rather presumptuous, and it makes you wonder what happens to the goods
when the team loses.
Politics, thankfully, doesn't work the same way -- not in Somerville, anyway.
After Mayor Michael Capuano won the free-for-all Eighth Congressional District
primary, the THANK YOU signs in the windows of his Davis Square campaign office
looked anything but planned -- they were hand-drawn in felt-tip marker and
taped up the way someone leaves a note for a late-arriving friend. Not given
much hope in the race's early months, Capuano himself was taken aback by his
victory. "Pretty goddamn unbelievable" were his first words to supporters on
election night.
Edge city
In cultural as well as electoral politics, Somerville's stock kept rising in
1998. The city has continued to live up to the "hip" tag given the Davis Square
area in a 1997 Utne Reader article. Somerville author Pagan Kennedy came
out with the well-received novel The Exes (Simon and Schuster), about an
indie-rock band in its twilight. Jonathan Baird, another Somerville resident,
also ventured deep into hipster terrain in Day Job: A Workplace Reader for
the Restless Age (Allen & Osborne), an ode to the Dilbert-era
workplace and its toll on twentysomethings.
But as with any hot cultural commodity, Somerville's shelf life on the edge
may be limited. When the Utne article surfaced last year, members of the
city's political establishment couldn't even get the magazine's name right. One
city politician suggested taking a look at "Unre" magazine. A business insider
boasted of the city's mention in the "Utne Leader." Now the word is out, and
with rents climbing, the hip may seek higher, less-discovered ground. Malden,
anyone? It's on the Orange Line, you know.
|
No kidding. The Eighth Congressional District race dominated the political
landscape in Somerville and neighboring Cambridge in 1998 -- and the success of
Capuano's no-frills "street campaign," which let him expand far enough outside
his powerful Somerville base to top the 10-candidate field, was by far the
area's biggest political story. All summer long, Capuano and his Somerville
machine chased front-runner Ray Flynn, the former Boston mayor who led for most
of the race although he seemed to lack both a platform and a reason for
running.
Although some predicted that progressive activists would get together and pick
a horse -- probably John O'Connor, Marjorie Clapprood, or George Bachrach --
that didn't happen. So Capuano chugged along, keeping his temper and his
penchant for the occasional nutty line mostly in check while displaying a
strong grasp of housing and education issues. Meanwhile, he unleashed the
massive Somerville machine he's built over the past decade. On Election Day
that edge proved decisive, with Somerville handing more votes to Capuano than
to all the other candidates combined.
Now comes the hard part. Capuano, long used to being his city's dominant
political force, is suddenly a freshman member of a minority party led by a
crippled president. More important for Somerville, Capuano's victory in the
closely watched race to succeed the retiring (for now) Joseph Kennedy has set
off what amounts to another political earthquake. For the first time in a
decade, the mayor's office is wide open, and a slew of candidates are hoping to
take over the top spot in a city that was already rising in stature before
Capuano's improbable win.
The temptation in Somerville has been to compare the race to replace Capuano
with the Eighth District contest. Both fall into the "sprint" category --
Kennedy's announcement last spring made for a short congressional campaign
season, and Capuano's departure means a special election this spring to replace
him. In many ways, though, the similarities stop there. In the Eighth District,
candidates were relatively free to define themselves and their causes --
O'Connor stressed his environmental record, Bachrach was the "unabashed
liberal," and so forth. But in the more insular confines of Somerville, all the
candidates must focus on a single set of concrete issues. "There are going to
be a couple of hot-button items, like development, where candidates will stake
out positions and other candidates will try to attack or use those positions to
gain their advantage," says Somerville alderman Walter Pero, who is considering
a run but has not declared himself a candidate. "I think the issues will define
the candidates because the candidates themselves are not all that dissimilar.
They are experienced Somerville politicians and operatives known to voters."
Development may be one of the most talked-about issues in the mayoral race.
Somerville's strong economy has proved a mixed blessing as city officials
wonder how to respond to the flurry of schemes to redevelop some of the city's
few large commercial tracts. It's an issue that no would-be successor to
Capuano can afford to ignore. Case in point: plans to build a massive new Super
Stop & Shop in gritty East Somerville. Nearby residents oppose the store,
citing traffic concerns and a giant market's impact on the mom-and-pop shops
that dot the city near the Charlestown line. At the same time, labor unions see
opportunity in the plan and are indicating that their support in the race could
be linked to how candidates handle the touchy issue. It's a tough choice for
candidates: East Somerville residents vote, but building-trade unions endorse.
"For the people of East Somerville and the affected neighborhood, clearly it's
an important issue," says Somerville alderman Bill White, who considered but
abandoned a mayoral run. "I think others will take the union position and say
you have to look at the tax dollars and the jobs."
Similarly, candidates must treat gently the city's long flirtation with
passage of a living-wage ordinance, which would force employers with city
contracts to pay workers at a rate well above the minimum wage. With a similar
ordinance now pending in Cambridge, the sides are clearly drawn. Somerville's
chamber of commerce, again a player after many moribund years, has been
fighting the living wage almost since the measure's introduction in 1997.
Beyond the policy debates, Somerville confronted broader questions in 1998. A
common one: "The rent is how much?" It's pretty much gospel now that
rent control's death in Cambridge and Boston has joined forces with
Somerville's reputation as an up-and-coming city to drive rents higher and
higher, creating speculation about how much longer blue-collar workers and
immigrants can find a home here. Somerville, like Cambridge, works to create
pockets of housing reserved for low- and moderate-income residents. Still, as
in Cambridge, units designated as affordable are a fraction of the total
housing stock. "Landlords are getting the sense that others are getting more
rent, and they want to get the same thing," says Peggy Powell, who directs the
eviction-prevention project at the Community Action Agency of Somerville. "It's
really hard in a market economy, unless you regulate rents, to come up with
many other mechanisms to keep housing affordable."
Amid the changes, though, one political constant has remained. State
representative Vincent Ciampa won round two against rival Josh O'Brien to hang
on to his 37th Middlesex District seat, proving that not all the tectonic
plates have shifted in Somerville. O'Brien, who came within a few dozen votes
of knocking off Ciampa two years ago, again fought the incumbent to a virtual
draw in Somerville but couldn't eat far enough into Ciampa's Medford base to
unseat him. This year, by the way, was smooth for these two compared to 1997,
when they nearly came to blows at Somerville City Hall and O'Brien filed, and
subsequently dropped, an assault charge against his foe.
Ciampa's resilience aside, however, few doubt that the political and economic
forces changing Somerville's landscape will slow much in 1999. The city is
thriving in some ways, yet it remains unstable -- certainly at City Hall. As
one city official notes: "When there's a power vacuum, you don't know what will
be sucked in."
Ben Geman can be reached at bgeman[a]phx.com.