Our century, our future
More than for its progress, the 20th century should be remembered for its brutality
At the century's close, it's tempting to tick off the vast scientific, social,
and technological accomplishments of the past 100 years and express genuine
wonderment at how far we have come. Innovations such as air travel,
automobiles, and the Internet have helped tear down borders and foster an
unprecedented sense of global community. Medical breakthroughs have curbed
disease and lengthened lives, and the expansion of educational and economic
opportunities continues to promote individual equality, liberty, and
prosperity.
But as important as these strides have been, it's fair to say that the 20th
century will be remembered as much for barbarism as for progress. Make no
mistake: the past 100 years have been bloody ones, marred by repeated, horrific
acts of violence, war, and genocide that have left few corners of the globe
untouched. No statistic can humanize the suffering, of course, but this
century's death count is staggering: an estimated 30 million killed in
war, another 170 million killed in state-sponsored acts of ethnic and
political cleansing.
Sociopathic attempts to foster perfect societies were behind many of the
century's greatest atrocities. Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Soviet Union, Mao's
China strove to construct perverse utopias by promoting terror, extinguishing
freedom, and scapegoating entire cultures -- Jews, gypsies, homosexuals, free
thinkers, peasants, intellectuals -- virtually to the point of extinction. The
world has yet to recover from this sustained, systematic chain of murder.
Most still don't fully comprehend the entire catalogue of 20th-century horrors.
After all, for every world war, there have been thousands of deadly border
skirmishes; for every well-documented assassination, there have been countless
"disappearances" that go officially unrecorded. Our understanding of these
atrocities remains grossly incomplete. Decades later, historians and
human-rights activists are still trying to unravel and chronicle the crimes
perpetrated by Germany, Russia, and China -- even as they struggle to
comprehend more-recent terror campaigns in Cambodia, Chile, Rwanda, East Timor,
Iraq, and the Balkans. It is the grimmest of enterprises, measuring history in
blood lost and shallow mass graves.
But it's crucial to fully examine and account for all these outrages, if for no
other reason than to make sure they are never forgotten. Progress has a way of
lulling people to sleep, and the latter-day marvels of science and technology
can delude humankind into thinking it has evolved more than it actually has.
Indeed, if the 20th century has taught us anything, it has shown that even in
the face of enormous advancement, we have not been able to suppress the most
primal and savage of human conflicts -- the clash between empowered and the
powerless. Even today, it's clear that mass devastation remains quite possible,
even inevitable. As Harvard evolutionary biologist Stephen J. Gould noted
recently, human nature has not changed in 50,000 years.
Sad but true. Gould's observation should not be construed as a tonic for
complacency; rather, it should send a spark up our spines -- a spark to remind
us of our duties at home and our responsibilities (to be shared) abroad.
There is no set response to terror. Diplomatic pressure, economic sanctions,
and military intervention are among the traditional tools at a powerful
nation's disposal. It's dangerous to generalize about how they should be used.
But it's even more dangerous for the United States to withdraw from
international engagement, as the Pat Buchanans of the world would have us do.
What, then, should be the foundation of our principles? We suggest two: oppose
torture and oppose genocide. This may seem deceptively simple. But it's easier
said than done. Over the past 100 years many US allies -- and the US itself --
have been guilty of one or the other, or both.
There are many wrongs in the world, and common sense tells us that we cannot
right them all. But we can, perhaps, try to establish a baseline for minimally
acceptable international conduct. A continuing debate over where that line
should be drawn would be a national stimulant -- an antidote to complacency and
isolationism.
Anyone who doubts that slow and sometimes unsure traditional diplomacy can work
should look to Northern Ireland and the Middle East, two of this century's most
volatile flash points. As 1999 draws to a close, it looks as if the basis for a
workable peace may finally have been achieved in Ireland. And although peace is
not yet at hand in the Middle East, optimists believe that the ground has been
laid for a Northern Ireland-like breakthrough. We all must invest in such hope
if we are to move forward.
Here in Boston we have a strong tradition of activism to guide us.
Massachusetts, together with Virginia, furnished the intellectual energy that
powered the American Revolution. The abolitionist impulse burned nowhere more
brightly than in this city. And the suffragettes who fought for women's right
to vote and paved the way for the women's liberation movement were welcome in
this community as they were in few others.
How do we reconcile these movements, some more than 200 years old, with the
21st century? They are all about the right to self-determination -- the right
to be oneself without harming others. They serve as benchmarks for the
challenging years to come.
What do you think? Send an e-mail to letters[a]phx.com.