THIS IS OUR moment, a test for citizens of all political leanings who claim to believe in constitutional guarantees. We must now stand up for them here at home — past the fatigue, past the rhetoric, and without compromise. Protesters must consciously reach beyond party lines to drive a simple message home to the voters and to Congress: defense of American freedoms is not a partisan issue. We cannot guarantee the values of any nation but our own, and our sense of freedom comes from the Constitution itself. Protest coalitions must become iron-willed defenders of these, our highest national aspirations. There may be little chance of piercing the myopia of the White House, but it is absolutely possible to establish a beachhead in the Capitol building and from there defend the Constitution.

Unfortunately, for the time being, the most prominent protest coalitions aren’t focusing much attention on domestic-legislative issues. International ANSWER (Act Now to Stop War & End Racism) is planning a May conference on US policy in Iraq, but its lone domestic-policy action is a student petition against FBI profiling. Win Without War’s only current domestically focused actions are intended to show troop support (by highlighting the issues of veterans’ benefits and Gulf War illness).

MoveOn, which has mobilized millions via the Internet, has surprisingly little to say about Patriot Act II and domestic legislation. Founder Eli Pariser explains that MoveOn is watching the situation but has no related actions planned. He adds that MoveOn " will encourage our members to take action when there’s a leveraged opportunity to do so, " meaning " when a little energy goes a long way. " (This approach seems best suited to modest goals, such as MoveOn’s " urgent " April 18 call for volunteers to complain about CNN’s coverage of anti-occupation rallies in Iraq — action of admittedly limited effect, as the call itself noted it would " only be ‘news’ for a day or so. " )

This is not to say that MoveOn has no domestic agenda. According to Pariser, " Our biggest priority right now is showing Bush the door in 2004. I really think that for those of us who are concerned about America’s foreign policy, a new president may be the only way to permanently change it. "

Dennis Burke, executive director of Citizens for Participation in Political Action (CPPAX), says the 2004 election is also his group’s primary focus. He adds, " Making that commitment now, and planning for that work, is a great way to convert the anger and frustration felt over the Iraq situation into useful progress. We won’t have any real peace in the world, or any justice at home, until that happens. "

The proactive, long-range approach taken by MoveOn and CPPAX is both vitally necessary and paradoxically shortsighted. By failing to mobilize now to defend civil liberties in Congress, these organizations risk the passage of legislation that will affect our nation for years beyond 2004. In the 20 months before any new administration can take the reins, a lot of legislative damage can be done. Furthermore, these coalitions are missing an excellent opportunity to define the terms of the 2004 election as a vote for or against American freedoms.

The coalition most aware of this is United for Peace and Justice. While still protesting US policy in Iraq and watching future US global policy, co-chair Leslie Cagan says, the coalition is " trying to draw links between those issues and domestic issues like the attacks on civil liberties and shredding of the Constitution. " In May, she says, the group will host a national teach-in, the only upcoming event sponsored by any of the major coalitions to deal directly with legislative issues; slated for broadcast on cable and the Web, its goal is to educate citizens on how American foreign policy and the threat to domestic civil liberties are connected. Meanwhile, none of the peace coalitions has proposed any action solely dedicated to stopping Patriot Act II, the extension of Patriot I, or what ACLU’s Murray calls " piecemeal attempts to pass similar measures now. "

Before it is too late to respond, protest coalitions must take immediate and sustained action. Here are seven suggestions for how they can do so.

1) Form true coalitions. In order to preserve their ability to organize freely and make positive change, coalitions need to put differences aside and work together, using all their organizational power for a campaign with breadth and depth.

2) Learn marketing. The Bush administration has demonstrated the value of compact phrases ( " compassionate conservatism " ). It has also shown how to stay on message, repeating core arguments until they define the debate, and exhibit a discipline that the left needs to mimic.

3) Get out the word on American freedoms. With clarity of message — American freedoms are in danger — extensive e-mail and phone chains must send urgent updates on this issue, as far and wide as possible.

4) Tell Congress the word is out. Protest coalitions should let Congress know that word of particular legislation has gone out and, when possible, they should tell legislators how many people in their districts have been alerted. Then, individual citizens should contact their representatives, preferably by personal letter or phone call, making the stakes clear.

5) Make actions visible and sustained. While valuable, an e-mail campaign can be dismissed as a " one-off " event, and legislators often hide behind the claim that voters who do not visit, call, or write personal letters are not that invested. Protests must be personal and visible, with actions at the offices of legislators and public rallies, both urban and rural, and must continue after the first wave of passion has subsided.

6) Broaden the base. Protest coalitions must reach beyond their natural affinity groups to join forces with others who, as fellow Americans, have a stake in defending our freedoms. If left-heavy protest coalitions cannot see allies in fellow citizens of other political bents, the movement will likely stall.

7) Bring in the voters. Because forestalling one bill is unlikely to change the ideological agenda of those in power, it’s up to the citizenry to change who is in power at all levels. Coalitions must convince the unregistered that it is imperative that they register, and convince those who are registered that they must vote to protect their civil liberties.

If our strongest coalition leaders cannot yet see the urgency of responding to the legislative situation, it may be up to their members to drive the point home. Across the nation, millions have recently learned how make to their voices heard. They should do so now within the movement, for when we guarantee our own freedom, we are best able to defend the freedom of others.

David Valdes Greenwood may be reached at mambobean@hotmail.com