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Culture clash, continued


Schiavone may be guilty of some campaign hyperbole here. In the increasingly liberal Massachusetts legislature, O’Flaherty is right of center. But while he calls his shift on civil unions the result of a "long, painful process," the fact remains that he’s moved left on that issue. He also opposes the death penalty, and is ambivalent on abortion rights. (O’Flaherty calls himself personally pro-life, but says he accepts Roe v. Wade; Planned Parenthood League of Massachusetts gives him a "mixed" rating.)

O’Flaherty scoffs when told of Schiavone’s suggestion that he’s obsessed with social issues and doesn’t deliver basics for his constituents. "Talk to the chair of Ways and Means about how much money I bring back to my district," he replies. (Representative Bob DeLeo, the House Ways and Means chairman, calls O’Flaherty "one of the best" legislators when it comes to obtaining local budget earmarks.) Of course, the true test of the argument will be whether it attracts voters next September. But framing the race this way could help protect Schiavone, who supports gay marriage, from being cast as a single-issue candidate.

In addition to door knocking, churning out campaign mailings, and launching his campaign Web site, Schiavone has also been wooing members of Boston’s liberal political elite to drum up support for his candidacy. Last week, for example, he sat down with Massachusetts Democratic Party chair Phil Johnston. Jane Lane, Johnston’s spokesperson, promises the party — which usually abstains from primary contests — will stay out of the O’Flaherty-Schiavone fight. Having said that, though, she’s quick to lavish praise on Schiavone. "He’s a very impressive candidate," Lane gushes. "Our impression was that this is a guy who knows the issues, who can articulate the concerns and issues of his district, who’s articulate. We were suggesting people to meet with, and he’d already met with them. For a new candidate a year away from the election, that’s not usually on the front burner."

In fairness, Johnston may have been predisposed to find Schiavone impressive: during his talk-radio rounds earlier this month, O’Flaherty accused Johnston of being an incompetent state-party chair — an odd move for an embattled incumbent facing a re-election fight. The thing about O’Flaherty, though, is that this kind of behavior is hardly out of character. During his years in the legislature, he’s acquired a reputation for being a high-strung, volatile person whose quick temper frequently gets away from him. For example, during the debate over Melanie’s Bill, multiple witnesses report that O’Flaherty freely tossed F-bombs at dissenting legislators on the House floor.

THE GREAT ANTAGONIZER

Given the contrast between the way the two candidates comport themselves, this race should offer an intriguing contrast in character types. But O’Flaherty’s penchant for antagonizing his fellow legislators could also have serious political consequences. One of the reasons incumbents are so hard to defeat, at all levels of government, is that their colleagues tend to come to their aid, especially in a pinch. But the simple fact is that, in recent months, O’Flaherty has been a PR liability for both the House rank-and-file and House Speaker Sal DiMasi, who’s been weathering criticisms of his own leadership style. If O’Flaherty finds himself in a tough race, the help that denizens of the State House traditionally give to their own may not be forthcoming.

Still, O’Flaherty has plenty of allies on Beacon Hill — and even skeptics say that the public caricature of him is a bit unfair. "You’re not quite sure what you’re going to get with him," one State House insider says of O’Flaherty. "Is it going to be that kind of professional, serious, somber approach? Or one that snaps back, and makes you [step] backwards and say, ‘Okay! Okay!’" If the threat of Schiavone preys on O’Flaherty’s mind in the coming months — whether or not he admits it — constituents and legislators may see the Good O’Flaherty with unusual frequency.

If so, he’ll be tough to beat. Consider the musings of Martina Jackson, executive director of Massachusetts Citizens Against the Death Penalty. At a legislative hearing on that subject earlier this year, Jackson recalls, O’Flaherty "was attentive throughout. He asked good questions; he was incredibly polite and patient; he kept his cool." Then, before the House killed Governor Romney’s death-penalty bill last week, O’Flaherty — who opposes the death penalty — gave a speech that wowed Jackson even more. "He repeatedly stressed that one had to respect the other side — and then he blew them out of the water," she says. "It was surgical. He took every argument that they might offer and eviscerated it in a very calm way. I thought it was masterful."

This, then, is the big question for the campaign: over the course of the next 10 months, which Eugene O’Flaherty will show up?

Adam Reilly can be reached at areilly[a]phx.com.

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Issue Date: November 25 - December 1, 2005
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