BY DAN
KENNEDY
Notes and observations on
the press, politics, culture, technology, and more. To sign up for
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For bio, published work, and links to other blogs, visit
www.dankennedy.net.
For information on Dan Kennedy's book, Little People: Learning to
See the World Through My Daughter's Eyes (Rodale, October 2003),
click
here.
Friday, January 30, 2004
The Great Kerry Debate, Round
3. Jon Keller and I continue
to slog it out over John Kerry at the New Republic website.
I've weighed in twice, and Keller once; he's supposed to come back at
me this afternoon.
Quote of the day. "Other
presidents would have liked to bully the C.I.A., stonewall
investigations and give huge contracts to their friends without
oversight. They knew, however, that they couldn't. What has gone
wrong with our country that allows this president to get away with
such things?" - Paul
Krugman, in today's New
York Times.
So old it's new again. John
Ellis was way too quick to award his "Dean
as Dot.Com" metaphor prize
to political consultant Craig Crawford. Logically, shouldn't the
award go to the last person to use what has become a mindless
cliché? If so, how about Andrés
Martinez in today's
Times? "Howard Dean's implosion calls to mind the fate of too
many high-flying dot-com companies in the wake of the 2000-2001
crash," Martinez "informs" us.
Actually, not only is the metaphor
lame, but it's wrong. I recall seeing an exit poll from Iowa (Media
Log is too lazy to look it up) showing that, of caucus-goers who made
up their minds by researching the candidates' websites, Kerry
won. It's as though Jeff Bezos's nightmare finally came true:
that Barnes & Noble had come up with a website that kicked
Amazon.com's ass.
The Dean campaign isn't a dot-com
that went bust. It's a dot-com that fell asleep while its biggest
bricks-and-mortar rival figured out a way to beat it at its own game.
It's - no! enough! I don't want Ellis to make fun of me,
too.
Tuning in. Mediachannel.org,
running on fumes not all that many months ago, is doing all kinds of
cool stuff these days that Media Log has not had time to keep up
with. Anyway, pay
a visit. And read
this
piece by Timothy Karr on
the media's obsession with the horse race over substance.
And now, for an opposing view. In
theory, we should all be rapturously in favor of a focus on "the
issues." In fact, it's not quite that simple. Yes, we should know
that Howard Dean, Dennis Kucinich, and Al Sharpton opposed the war
and that John Kerry, John Edwards, and Joe Lieberman were in favor.
(God only knows what Wesley Clark really thinks. And by all means, insert your own 500 words' worth of Kerry caveats here.)
But let's take one of the more
nebulous issues Karr cites: health care. The media could, I imagine,
dwell at great length and in great detail on how Kerry's plan differs
from Dean's, and how Dean's, in turn, differs from the single-payer
system favored by Kucinich and Sharpton. But is that really
what the media ought to be focusing on?
The fact is that all of the
Democratic candidates have serious plans to do something significant
about the 43 million Americans who are uninsured. I have no doubt
that some plans are better than others. I also have no doubt that, if
one of them is fortunate enough to become president, he will start
rewriting his plan as soon as he moves into the White House. I
don't care. I just want to be assured that the person I vote for
is serious about solving the problem.
Where the media fall down is in
giving a pass to candidates who aren't serious. In the 2000
debates, for example, the wretched moderator, Jim Lehrer, cut off a
discussion of prescription-drug benefits by telling Al Gore and
George W. Bush that, since each had a plan to deal with the issue, it
was time to move on. As Jack Beatty observed on the Atlantic
Monthly's website (sorry; can't find the link), Lehrer completely
missed the fact that Gore had an actual plan, whereas Bush had
nothing but a few patched-together talking points so that he could
bluff his way through. We saw that last year, when Bush finally put
together a bill that had more to do with further enriching Big Pharma
than with helping any actual elderly people. Lehrer gave Bush exactly
the pass he was looking for.
But does anyone seriously doubt
that the Democratic presidential candidates intend to address the
health-care crisis? Of course they do. The eye-glazing details can
wait.
New in this week's
Phoenix. John Kerry has staged one of the most impressive
comebacks in modern politics. Can he sustain
the momentum through the
South? (Yes! More horse-race coverage!)
Also, CBS
caves - again - to its
benefactors in the White House over its refusal to air the MoveOn.org
ad.
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Wednesday, January 28, 2004
James Taranto, scientific
know-nothing. I usually enjoy James Taranto, who compiles
"Best
of the Web" for the Wall
Street Journal's OpinionJournal.com
site. Yeah, he's a right-winger, but he's got a sense of
humor.
Which is why I was surprised to see
him rolling around in the muck of anti-intellectualism. Earlier today
I linked to a New York Times op-ed
by Paul Epstein explaining some of the paradoxical facts about global
warming. Among them: though the equatorial regions are likely to keep
heating up, changes in ocean currents and the balance between salt
water and fresh water caused by the melting of the polar ice caps
could actually make the temperate zones cooler. Epstein's was
a model of sophisticated, understandable scientific explication, told
in an astoundingly concise 455 words.
Well, Taranto saw it, too. And here
is Professor Taranto's summation:
When the weather gets
warmer, that's because of global warming. When the weather gets
colder, that's because of global warming too. "Global warming"
thus is unfalsifiable; adherents insist all contrary evidence
actually supports the theory. This isn't a scientific hypothesis;
it's a conspiracy theory.
The notion of global warming is not
holy writ, and it certainly may be subjected to intelligent
questioning. But Taranto's not being critical, or clever, or
counterintuitive. Rather, this is just simple-minded know-nothingism,
knee-jerk stupidity intended as cheap entertainment for the laziest
10 percent of his audience.
posted at 8:01 PM |
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The Great Kerry Debate. The
New Republic has asked me and my former Phoenix
colleague Jon Keller, of WLVI-TV (Channel 56) and Boston
magazine, to debate the merits of John Kerry's candidacy. I get to go
first, so have
a look.
It's warmer, so we're
colder. This ungodly cold winter has provided plenty of smirking
material for those inclined to dispute the reality of global warming,
and of the likelihood that human activity is making it
worse.
So by all means read
this
New York Times op-ed
by Harvard Medical School's Paul Epstein. Epstein observes that
worldwide warming, paradoxically, will make the earth colder in some
places - like Boston, for instance, or New York, where Al Gore was
recently mocked for delivering a speech on global warming in the
midst of a cold snap.
If you want to go deeper,
this
indispensable article was
published six years ago in the Atlantic Monthly. According to
the piece, by scientist William Calvin, the localized effects of
global warming could be catastrophic. For instance, warming could
halt the northward flow of the Gulf Stream, making Northern Europe as
cold as Labrador.
posted at 10:57 AM |
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Tuesday, January 27, 2004
Kick 'em when they're down.
John Ellis, no fan of John Kerry, nevertheless has some
sound
advice for the senator at
Tech Central Station.
Exchange just witnessed on
CNN:
Larry King: "Do you have
to win two or three states next week, logically?"
Howard Dean: "No, all we have to
do is keep the grassroots support behind us."
Huh? What does that mean? Does Dean
think he ever has to win a state? Is he running for president
or what?
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Tighter, ever tighter.
Michael Goldman, who I don't think has ever missed a sunrise, sends
along the
last New Hampshire tracking poll
from the American Research Group. It's now Kerry, 35 percent, Dean,
25 percent - an eight-point drop for Kerry since yesterday. Combined
with yesterday's
Zogby poll, showing a
three-point spread, and it's pretty clear that predictions are
futile.
Although Mickey
Kaus says that the latest
Zogby numbers - not up on the Web as I write this - show Kerry
holding a larger lead than he did yesterday. Read down and you'll see
that Zogby changed his methodology to come up with Kerry's narrow
three-point lead. Is the Z-man now getting cold feet?
Caught a Dean town meeting from
Phillips Exeter Academy on C-SPAN
last night. He came across as relaxed and much more articulate in
explaining his program than he had during the past month or so. If he
loses, it may turn out that his decision to embrace the party
establishment in the form of Al Gore, Bill Bradley, Tom Harkin, and
the like was his undoing. The Dean on display last night could have
won. Perhaps he still will, although it certainly seems like Kerry's
to lose.
Have barely seen the morning
papers, and now it's off to New Hampshire, for a Kerry meet-and-greet
at a polling station, and perhaps for Lieberman and Clark events as
well. Pat
Whitley of WRKO Radio (AM
680) is broadcasting from the Manchester Union Leader today,
and I'm supposed to pop up there sometime between 10 and 11
a.m.
posted at 6:52 AM |
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Monday, January 26, 2004
You can bet on it: someone will
win! Media Log bravely predicts that many people will vote in the
New Hampshire primary tomorrow, that there will be a winner, and that
there will be losers.
The tracking polls are all over the
place.
The American
Research Group this morning
has John Kerry ahead of Howard Dean by 18 points, which seems to
match up with what most other pollsters are reporting. Yet
Zogby
is showing a last-minute surge by Dean, who's supposedly closed
within three. Zogby's reputation is for being either spectacularly
right or dreadfully wrong, which doesn't exactly help in figuring out
what's going on. Regardless of the final tally, Dean does seem to
have recovered somewhat from his third-place finish in Iowa and The
Scream, which, idiotic though it was, struck me as more of a media
obsession than anything real.
Given such volatility, the best
analysis you can read today is this,
by David Rosenbaum in the New York Times, who shows why polls
in New Hampshire are worthless.
No surprise, but it's nevertheless
impressive the way Kerry was thrown on the defensive the moment he
regained his long-lost front-runner status. The attacks have been
flying since last week. Can we look forward to a revival of last
summer's Great
Cheez Whiz scandal? For my
money, the Times' Todd Purdum does the best
job of explaining what
Kerry can look forward to if he holds his lead. The problem is that
Kerry has been a senator for 19 years. It's hardly a shock that he
would have cast some votes that he might wish he hadn't, and cast
others that seem contradictory.
I think his votes against the Gulf
War of 1991 and in favor of the war in Iraq in 2002 are going to be particularly difficult to explain in a sound bite. I mean, it can be
done: the 1991 resolution was for war, right then, with no further
negotiations or peace-seeking efforts; the 2002 resolution laid out a
series of steps that George W. Bush was supposed to take before
invading Iraq. But try making a good case for consistency when you've
got Tim Russert yapping in your face. (Here
is how Kerry tried to explain it in Nashua yesterday.)
For instance, at the Weekly
Standard you can already read Fred
Barnes's gloss on Purdum. A
better headline: "Anti-Kerry Talking Points for Idiots."
Anyway, Media Log is currently in
NH overload. Too much to read! Too little time! Former Boston
Globe columnist John
Ellis is back to blogging
regularly. His anti-Kerry stuff is well worth reading, not only
because he's smart, but because it may reflect what The Cousins are
thinking.
And if you didn't catch it, you can
watch Kerry's interview on 60 Minutes here.
My verdict: presidential but cold, even with the show of emotion over
Vietnam and with the presence of his wife, Teresa Heinz. Is Oprah
Nation ready for a president who doesn't double as First Pal?
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Thursday, January 22, 2004
"Stealing" public documents.
The Boston Globe's Charlie Savage today has a huge
story on Republican staff
members of the Senate Judiciary Committee who exploited a
computer-security hole to steal documents from the Democratic
minority. The Daily
Kos is all over it. So is
Josh
Marshall.
This is stunningly sleazy behavior.
But is it theft? Savage identifies someone named Manuel Miranda as a
likely suspect. And one of the things Miranda tells Savage is this:
"Stealing assumes a property right and there is no property right to
a government document."
Whoa! That's pretty good. After
all, you and I paid for those documents, Mr. Green.
In other words, it's still a
scandal, but it may not be a crime.
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Does the Globe hate John
Kerry? Timothy Noah's latest "Chatterbox" piece in Slate
is on "Kerry's
Globe problem." The
nut: Kerry's presidential campaign has been hurt by the fact that New
England's dominant daily newspaper is out to get him.
Noah is definitely tapping into a
real undercurrent, at least in terms of what the national media
perceive. ABC's online political tip sheet, "The
Note," isn't archived; but
last fall I recall reading an observation that the Globe's
coverage of Kerry was the meanest any presidential candidate had ever
received from his hometown paper. Noah also notes that Kerry's former
campaign manager, Jim Jordan, has called the Globe's Kerry
coverage "distorted, insignificant, irrelevant, and
vindictive."
But as I told Noah yesterday, I
don't quite buy it. By far the nastiest local commentator on all
things Kerry, for instance, is Boston Herald columnist Howie
Carr. It is Carr who tagged Kerry with his most enduring nickname -
"Liveshot," for his camera-seeking-missile act - and who bashes Kerry
every afternoon on WRKO Radio (AM 680), where Carr hosts the
afternoon drive-time talk show.
Nor can anyone at the Globe
hold a candle - or perhaps I should say a flaming torch - to my
former Phoenix colleague Jon Keller, the political analyst for
WLVI-TV (Channel 56), who last fall hosted an
entire half-hour special
devoted to Kerry-bashing. Keller's column in the current issue of
Boston magazine - obviously overtaken by events - examines in
loving detail how it all fell apart for Kerry on the presidential
campaign trail.
To be sure, Noah's Slate
piece is full of "to be sures" - so many, in fact, that his
Globe theory begins to fall apart. (Among the inconvenient
facts Noah is forced to acknowledge is that today's Globe
endorses
Kerry's presidential campaign. So, for that matter, does the
Boston
Phoenix and the
Boston
Herald.) Out-of-town
journalists such as Noah take far more notice of the Globe
than they do of the Herald or Boston's local TV news stations.
But in this case that has led Noah to commit a fundamental error of
logic: he correctly observes that there has been a lot of mean
commentary about Kerry in the Globe; therefore, he decides, it
must have something to do with the Globe.
Yes, over the years the
Globe has run tough pieces on Kerry - some fair,
some
not - by what Noah properly
observes is an astonishingly large stable of columnists.
But when it come to truly inspired
anti-Kerry pieces of recent vintage, the Globe's not even on
the radar.
I could go through a laundry list
(if you'd like to compile your own, search these
incomparable archives), but
I'll close with this. Without question, the meanest, most vicious
Kerry-basher working in the media today is someone whose name pops up
on Noah's screen every time he clicks to the Slate home
page.
That would, of course, be
Mickey
Kaus, who actually ran a
Kerry
Loathsomeness Contest last
year, and who recently had to suspend his Kerry
Withdrawal Contest.
Actual Kaus lead-in for an item on
John Edwards on Tuesday: "I'd rather be trashing Kerry
..."
The fact is that Kerry is an
ambiguous figure on the Massachusetts political landscape. He's long
labored in the shadows of the state's senior senator, Ted Kennedy. He
is reserved and formal, which is another way of saying that he's
aloof. He doesn't stroke reporters, and reporters love nothing better
than to be stroked. He has a reputation for being inattentive to the
needs of local officials. He is, for better or worse, a big thinker
who's always had his eye on national politics.
Such a person is going to get
cuffed around. It would be pretty strange if the Globe ignored
that.
New in this week's
Phoenix. Speaking of Kerry ... I spent Tuesday tromping
around New Hampshire, chasing after Kerry and the other Democratic
presidential candidates. Here's
what I found.
Also, what did former treasury
secretary Paul
O'Neill really tell
journalist Ron Suskind?
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Wednesday, January 21, 2004
In defense of polls. There's
been a lot of talk since Iowa about how the polls were supposedly all
wrong. In fact, they got it exactly right. How they're used is
another matter.
Six weeks ago, as we all know, John
Kerry's presidential campaign was dead in the water. As Dan Aykroyd's
Bob Dole would say, he knew it, we knew it, and the American people
knew it. Fundraising dried up. He poured his personal money into the
campaign in a desperate attempt to stave off collapse. It got so bad
that in New Hampshire, which is close to a must-win state for him,
the alternative to Howard Dean increasingly came to be seen not as
Kerry but as Wesley Clark.
Now, what if Kerry had ignored the
polls? Guess what: he'd be limping into the final week of his
campaign. Instead, he shook up his campaign staff. He sharpened his
stump speech. And - most important - he pulled up stakes in New
Hampshire in favor of running full-time in Iowa during the last few
weeks before the Iowa caucuses.
As we now know, Kerry's
all-or-nothing gamble on Iowa paid off. But it's not as if no one saw
it coming. Several weeks ago the media - including national papers
such as the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times
- reported that Kerry appeared to be doing a much better job of
connecting with ordinary voters in Iowa.
Then, about a week and a half
before the caucuses, the Zogby
daily tracking polls began
to show movement: Kerry and John Edwards up; Dean and Dick Gephardt
down. By last Wednesday, with a week to go, Kerry had taken a narrow
lead. The last Zogby poll, as well as the Des Moines
Register's weekend
poll, foresaw the exact
order of finish, although not the dramatic margin of Kerry's and
Edwards's final tallies.
In other words, it appears that the
polls were an accurate reflection of what was happening on any given
day. The polls were immensely useful to the Kerry campaign. Where the
pundits blew it was in taking those polls and using them to predict
what would happen two or more months out. But even here I think it
would be wrong to be too harsh. No one has ever come back from
the kind of hole Kerry had dug himself into. His conflicted stance on
Iraq, and his rococo speaking style, hardly seemed like the tools
needed to stage one of the great political comebacks.
And by the way: according to the
American Research Group's daily
tracking polls in New Hampshire,
Kerry's Iowa bounce is for real. The latest numbers show Dean still
leading, with 26 percent; Kerry with 24 percent; and Clark at 18
percent, dropping out of the virtual tie he had been in with Kerry.
Zogby
has it Dean, 25; Kerry, 23; and Clark, 16.
I'm willing to bet if the primary
were held today, the results would reflect those numbers. But next
Tuesday? Well, we'll just have to wait and see.
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Tuesday, January 20, 2004
Michael Dukakis, prophet of
Iowa. Not much to say this morning - I'll be driving around New
Hampshire all day, stalking the wily Democratic presidential
candidates.
Like practically everyone, I had
all
but written off John Kerry
as recently as two weeks ago, reporting on the "nearly impossible
position" of being the former front-runner. So I'm glad I
included this very smart quote from former Massachusetts governor
Michael Dukakis, the Democrats' 1988 nominee and a Kerry
backer:
The race has just begun. I
don't know - and I love you all dearly - you guys in the media get
so mesmerized by the polls.... John has always been a slow starter
and a strong finisher. We'll see. We'll only know what's going on
after we've had a series of primaries and things begin to sort
themselves out. That's one grizzled veteran's take on all
this.
Slate's William
Saletan, per usual, has a
smart take on why Kerry won. Slate's Kerry-loathing blogger,
Mickey
Kaus, has put his "Kerry
Withdrawal Contest" on hold.
And I'm glad I'm not the only one
who thought Howard Dean did
himself no favors when he
spoke to his supporters Monday night.
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Monday, January 19, 2004
Kerry-Clark '04? Why not? It
makes sense, so it probably won't happen. But here's why it should.
Although it may still turn out that Howard Dean's and Dick Gephardt's
field organizations are too much to overcome, there is a pretty good
chance that the story coming out of Iowa tonight will be John Kerry.
The final
Zogby Iowa tracking poll:
Kerry, 25 percent; Dean, 22 percent; John Edwards, 21 percent;
Gephardt, 18 percent.
Meanwhile, in New Hampshire,
Kerry's campaign - dead as recently as a week ago - has sprung to
life; he's essentially tied for second with Wesley Clark (Clark, 20
percent; Kerry, 19 percent) in the American Research Group
daily
tracking polls. Dean still
holds the lead with 28 percent. (The Boston
Globe/WBZ-TV tracking poll
isn't quite as good for Kerry: he's lagging with 14 percent, behind
Dean's 30 percent and Clark's 23 percent).
To finish setting the table: on
Sunday, the
Concord Monitor endorsed
Kerry, writing, "Only Sen.
John Kerry of Massachusetts has well-reasoned and rock-solid answers
to every question, foreign or domestic. Kerry is prepared to take
office tomorrow." So
did the Nashua Telegraph.
The Boston Globe and possibly the Boston Herald (even
though it will be with George W. Bush in November) can be expected to
follow suit in the next few days.
Now, then. I can't dig up the
citation, but I know I saw a comment from Clark recently saying that
he wouldn't have jumped into the race if Kerry had caught fire. And
Kerry, after being all but written off, is finally on the move. But
if Kerry and Clark split the anti-Dean vote in New Hampshire next
Tuesday, then Dean could win, regain the momentum, and roll to the
nomination.
Clark has run an interesting
campaign, and he's a very smart guy, but huge questions remain about
his lack of experience in anything other than the military. If he
were to drop out, and Kerry were to take the unprecedented step of
naming his fellow war hero as his running mate, the combination might
be too much for Dean to overcome. And if Dean can't win in New
Hampshire, he likely can't win anywhere.
Little People news.
Yesterday's Providence Journal reviewed
Little People. Reviewer Jeanne Nicholson writes:
He weighs the risks and
rewards of bone-stretching surgery; he seeks out and interviews
adult dwarfs on their home turf for insights into how Becky might
attain a life of quality in spite of her difference; he attends
and writes about the meetings of Little People of America, knowing
his daughter will have to build a life for herself in a world with
people of average height.
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Saturday, January 17, 2004
The field's turned
upside-down. Here
it is: the Des Moines
Register's Iowa Poll.
- John Kerry, 26
percent
- John Edwards, 23
percent
- Howard Dean, 20
percent
- Richard Gephardt, 18
percent
It's close, and Dean and Gephardt
are still thought to have the superior organizations heading into
Monday's caucuses. But this is quite a turnabout, no? And
organization might be offset by passion. Check out this
paragraph:
In another sign of
strength for Kerry, he is supported by 33 percent of those
definitely planning to attend the caucuses. Dean comes in second
in this group with 21 percent. Edwards and Gephardt follow with 19
percent and 16 percent, respectively.
Of course, this raises many, many
questions. If Kerry doesn't finish first now, is it worse than if he
had never held the lead? If he does finish first, do New
Hampshire Democrats care? Those are just for starters.
posted at 9:28 PM |
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But he's still John Kerry.
And he's still capable of whacking his fellow candidates for
supporting the Iraq-war resolution even though he, too, supported it.
Anne Kornblut and Patrick Healy report
in today's Boston Globe:
Kerry yesterday launched a
new attack against Gephardt and Senator Joseph I. Lieberman of
Connecticut over their support for the 2002 resolution authorizing
the use of force in Iraq. Kerry accused the two of siding with
President Bush on the resolution, ultimately approved by Congress,
instead of an earlier one that would have limited Bush's ability
to go to war quickly.
"When Joe Lieberman and Dick
Gephardt wound up down at the Rose Garden with the president
signing off on some deal, they pulled the rug out from the rest of
us in the United States Senate who were fighting for a different
resolution," Kerry told voters in Guttenberg, Iowa. Kerry ended up
voting for the resolution that passed.
For what it's worth, Kerry has also
slipped
backwards in Zogby's Iowa
tracking polls for the first time in a while.
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Friday, January 16, 2004
More on the Kerry surge. The
New Republic's Michael Crowley - like Al Giordano, a former
Phoenix colleague - gives
the credit to Michael
Whouley, who actually lives a few blocks from me. Not that he's ever
home.
posted at 7:42 PM |
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The Kerry surge explained.
If John Kerry really has revived his campaign - and we'll know by
Monday night - then Al
Giordano's analysis will
stand as a pretty good explanation.
posted at 7:13 PM |
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More stuff reporters could learn
if they would read Howard Dean's book. Today's Boston
Herald has a news
flash:
Howard Dean, in a
revealing new magazine interview, candidly recalled suffering an
anxiety attack and "hyperventilating" when he unexpectedly learned
he was to become governor of Vermont in 1991.
"To suddenly get told that you
have responsibility for 600,000 people - it provokes a little
anxiety," Dean told People magazine.
The sudden death of then-Gov.
Richard Snelling came as a bolt from the blue for Dean, who was
thrust into the governorship literally overnight after having
served as lieutenant governor under Snelling.
The right-wing website NewsMax.com
is extremely excited about this development. Here's the top of the
"story
behind the story" that it
posted yesterday:
Democratic presidential
front-runner Howard Dean offered more details this week on
psychological counseling he underwent for anxiety attacks suffered
in the 1980s - and revealed that he had a panic attack the day he
took over as governor of Vermont 13 years ago.
Reacting to news of Gov. Richard
Snelling's death in August 1991, Dean told People magazine,
"I hyperventilated and I started hyperventilating and I thought,
You better stop that or you won't be much good to
anybody."
And here's an excerpt from pages
55-56 of Dean's book, Winning Back America, which has been
available for a good month and a half:
The call was from Bruce
Yost, one of Governor Snelling's staffers. "I'm terribly sorry to
inform you the governor's passed away," Bruce said. My first
split-second reaction was that he was kidding, but I knew
immediately by his tone of voice he wasn't. I then started to
hyperventilate, which was something I'd never done in my entire
life. I told myself to breathe normally because I wouldn't be of
use to anyone if I kept that up.
Here
is the entire People interview with Dean and his wife, Judith
Steinberg.
There are some interesting new
details in here about the anxiety attacks he suffered in the 1980s,
when his brother, Charles, was being held captive in Laos, and was
later killed.
You should read it now, so you'll
have the context when the right-wingers begin attacking Dean for
being psychologically unstable or some damn thing. In fact, as you
will see from the NewsMax.com piece, it's already started.
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Thursday, January 15, 2004
New in this week's
Phoenix. Taking a look at the Democratic presidential
candidates' campaign
books. Also, what reporters
could have learned by reading
Howard Dean's book.
posted at 11:43 AM |
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Kerry's big move. John
Kerry's decision to spend nearly all of his time in Iowa appears to
be paying off in a major way. The Zogby
tracking polls, which have
been the talk of the political world the last few days, now actually
show Kerry to be in the lead in Iowa. The numbers: Kerry, 22 percent;
Howard Dean and Dick Gephardt, 21 percent each; and John Edwards, 17
percent. How dramatic is this? Well, barely a week ago Dean was
leading with 25 percent, Gephardt was running second at 23 percent,
and Kerry was third at 15 percent.
What does any of this mean? Who
knows? All the experts argue that tracking polls are notoriously
unreliable. Still, it seems that Kerry is, all of a sudden, the hot
candidate, at least in Iowa.
But with Dean, Gephardt, and Kerry
essentially tied, and with Iowa's convoluted caucus system requiring
more than the usual amount of devotion from one's supporters, the
results of Monday's caucuses are going to depend heavily on
organization. This Todd
Purdum piece in today's
New York Times suggests that Dean and Gephardt have the
strongest organizations - although Kerry, who's been reaching out to
his fellow veterans, will be no slouch.
Of course, the very real
possibility exists that Kerry's roll-of-the-dice gamble on Iowa will
fail. He could still come in third, giving him zero bounce going into
New Hampshire, where Dean and Wesley Clark (who's skipping Iowa) are
the leading candidates. The latest
Boston Herald poll -
reflecting other polls - shows Dean at 29 percent, Clark at 20
percent, and Kerry at just 15 percent.
As I
learned recently, Kerry's
New Hampshire campaign has been all but moribund for quite a while.
What Kerry is banking on is that an unexpectedly strong showing in
Iowa - say, second place (especially if Dean falls to third) or, even
better, first - will give New Hampshire Democrats a reason to look at
him again.
A side note: one thing I've noticed
is that whenever I write about polls, I get e-mails from angry
partisans of one candidate or another lambasting me for focusing on
the horse race rather than "the issues." Well, of course, the issues
are important. But differences on Iraq (not so great as one might
suppose), health care, and tax cuts aside, the fact is that Dean,
Kerry, Gephardt, Edwards, and Clark are all from the Democratic wing
of the Democratic party. (I'm not so sure about Joe Lieberman.) The
most important issue is which candidate will give George W. Bush the
toughest fight. And that starts with which Democrat is able to win
the nomination.
Hynes City Hall? I love an
idea put forth by Boston city councilors Paul Scapicchio and John
Tobin to move City Hall to the Hynes Center, and sell off the current
City Hall - and the disastrous sea of brick that surrounds it - to
private developers. Ellen Silberman has the story
in today's Boston Herald.
No doubt the idea is impractical: a
logistical nightmare combined with a one-time financial bonanza that
might not even cover the cost of the move. But, given that city and
state officials seem determined to kill the Hynes in order to boost
the dead-on-arrival South Boston convention center, the
Scapicchio-Tobin idea would at least keep the Back Bay alive and
vital.
LaPierre on the loose. I'm
not sure which is more ridiculous: the fact that WBZ Radio (AM 1030)
lets Gary LaPierre anchor the "local" news from Florida or the fact
that LaPierre sees nothing wrong with it. Suzanne Ryan
reports
in today's Boston Globe.
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Wednesday, January 14, 2004
Powell panders over F-word.
Not to intrude on your day with F-bombs, but it was the Federal
Communications Commission that ruled last October on the fine
distinctions between the adjectival and verb forms of that fine old
Anglo-Saxon word.
I don't find this quite as
personally exciting as quoting from the footnotes of the Starr
Report. Nevertheless, here is the excerpt from the
FCC report (PDF file)
exonerating the broadcast media for putting Bono on the air while he
used the phrase "fucking brilliant" at an awards show:
As a threshold matter, the
material aired during the "Golden Globe Awards" program does not
describe or depict sexual and excretory activities and organs. The
word "fucking" may be crude and offensive, but, in the context
presented here, did not describe sexual or excretory organs or
activities. Rather, the performer used the word "fucking" as an
adjective or expletive to emphasize an exclamation. Indeed, in
similar circumstances, we have found that offensive language used
as an insult rather than as a description of sexual or excretory
activity or organs is not within the scope of the Commission's
prohibition of indecent program content.
God, I love it when the FCC talks
dirty to me!
Anyway, the decision, arrived at by
the FCC's enforcement division, is now being challenged by the head
of the agency, Michael Powell, who, according to this
report on CNN.com, "is
actively campaigning inside the agency to get that ruling overturned
by the full commission."
Powell also wants fines for
broadcasters who let the naughty bits slip through to be raised from
$27,500 to $275,000. At an appearance at the National Press Club
today, Powell reportedly said, "Some of these fines are peanuts.
They're just a cost of doing business. That has to
change."
The pandering, puffy-faced
offspring of Secretary of State Colin Powell is better known for
trying to convince us that corporate media concentration is good for
us. Edging into James Dobson territory is new for him, and somewhat
at odds with his image as a libertarian technocrat. But, of course,
it is an election year.
The MediaDrome notes
that "given the fact that Bono's outburst was broadcast live, it's
difficult to imagine how stations are to be expected to exert
control." Worth reading.
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Tuesday, January 13, 2004
Canellos calls Dean a liar - and
gets it wrong. The Boston Globe's Washington-bureau chief,
Peter Canellos, has hit the Iowa campaign trail to find out what it
is that makes Howard Dean tick. Canellos's answer: anger.
Grrr! Where have we heard that before?
But Media Log was especially struck
by this Canellos passage, since it suggests that he simply hasn't
been paying attention:
Now, Dean's tendency to
shoot from the hip has become an issue unto itself, as the other
candidates contend, reasonably, that Dean's arguments don't always
square with the facts. Take his oft-repeated insistence that
"there was no middle-class tax cut." There was. It just wasn't
nearly as big as the cut for the wealthy.
Did Canellos accurately portray
what Dean has been saying? Not even close. Here's Dean at the Des
Moines Register debate
of January 4:
Well, we've got to look at
the big picture. If you make over $1 million, you've got a
$112,000 tax cut. Sixty percent of us got a $304 tax
cut.
And the question I have for
Americans is, did your college tuition go up more than $304
because the president cut Pell Grants in order to finance his tax
cuts for his millionaire friends? How about your property taxes,
did they go up more than $304 because the president wouldn't fund
special ed, wouldn't fund No Child Left Behind, wouldn't fund COPS
and - how about your health care payments? Did they go up more
than $304 because the president cut thousands of people all over
America off health care because he wouldn't fund the states' share
that they needed to continue to insure people, and that was
shifted to insurance and the health care premiums?
Middle-class people did not see
a tax cut. There was no middle-class tax cut. There was a Bush tax
increase with tuitions, with property taxes, with health care
premiums, and most middle-class people in this country are worse
off because of President Bush's so- called tax cut than they are
better off.
Now, I have no idea whether Dean's
$304 figure is a fair representation of the middle-class tax cut.
Some of his critics - like John Kerry - have argued that it was
actually quite a bit more than that, and that it was pushed through
by Democrats over Republican objections.
But Dean's rhetorical intent is
absolutely clear: to disparage the Bush-era middle-class tax cut as
piddling, and to argue that it was more than offset by increases in
property taxes, college tuition, and health care caused by Bush's
ridiculous tax cuts for the rich - tax cuts that we now know,
thanks
to Paul O'Neill and Ron Suskind,
even Bush thought were absurd.
It's very simple. Canellos
mischaracterized Dean, and then used that mischaracterization to
build his case that Dean is an angry guy who has a "tendency to paint
complex issues in very stark terms."
The truth is that it's Canellos who
is shooting from the hip here.
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Monday, January 12, 2004
O'Neill speaks. The
principal revelations by former treasury secretary Paul O'Neill -
that the Bush administration began planning to go to war against Iraq
almost from the moment it took office, and that even George W. Bush
questioned huge tax cuts for the rich before gutlessly signing on -
are staggering.
It is an incredible indictment of
the state in which we find ourselves these days that it probably
won't make any difference.
Here
is the transcript of
O'Neill's appearance last night on CBS's 60 Minutes. The
section on Iraq is appalling beyond description:
And what happened at
President Bush's very first National Security Council meeting is
one of O'Neill's most startling revelations.
"From the very beginning, there
was a conviction, that Saddam Hussein was a bad person and that he
needed to go," says O'Neill, who adds that going after Saddam was
topic "A" 10 days after the inauguration - eight months before
Sept. 11.
"From the very first instance,
it was about Iraq. It was about what we can do to change this
regime," says Suskind. "Day one, these things were laid and
sealed."
As treasury secretary, O'Neill
was a permanent member of the National Security Council. He says
in the book he was surprised at the meeting that questions such as
"Why Saddam?" and "Why now?" were never asked.
"It was all about finding a way
to do it. That was the tone of it. The president saying 'Go find
me a way to do this,'" says O'Neill. "For me, the notion of
pre-emption, that the U.S. has the unilateral right to do whatever
we decide to do, is a really huge leap."
O'Neill's account of Bush and the
second tax cut comes from a "nearly verbatim transcript" that an
administration official gave O'Neill following a meeting in November
2002. Ron Suskind - author of the forthcoming The Price of
Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Education of Paul
O'Neill - describes it like this:
He says everyone expected
Mr. Bush to rubber stamp the plan under discussion: a big new tax
cut. But, according to Suskind, the president was perhaps having
second thoughts about cutting taxes again, and was
uncharacteristically engaged.
"He asks, 'Haven't we already
given money to rich people? This second tax cut's gonna do it
again,'" says Suskind.
"He says, 'Didn't we already,
why are we doing it again?' Now, his advisers, they say, 'Well Mr.
President, the upper class, they're the entrepreneurs. That's the
standard response.' And the president kind of goes, 'OK.' That's
their response. And then, he comes back to it again. 'Well,
shouldn't we be giving money to the middle, won't people be able
to say, 'You did it once, and then you did it twice, and what was
it good for?'"
But according to the transcript,
White House political advisor Karl Rove jumped in.
"Karl Rove is saying to the
president, a kind of mantra. 'Stick to principle. Stick to
principle.' He says it over and over again," says Suskind. "Don't
waver."
In the end, the president
didn't. And nine days after that meeting in which O'Neill made it
clear he could not publicly support another tax cut, the vice
president called and asked him to resign.
If O'Neill is telling the truth -
and there is no reason to think he isn't - then this is an absolutely
devastating portrayal.
The Time magazine
piece
is, if anything, even more frightening in its picture of Bush and,
especially, of the machinations of the Dark Lord, Dick Cheney. Check
out the account of the "gang of three beleaguered souls" - O'Neill,
former EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman, and Secretary of
State Colin Powell.
Who elected this guy, anyway? Oh,
yeah ... right.
His bowtie is twirling.
Washington Post ombudsman Michael Getler slapped
buckraking columnist George Will yesterday for Will's
non-disclosure
of the $25,000 payment he'd received from corrupt press lord Conrad
Black.
The ex factor. Right below a
column by Boston Globe Christine Chinlund today on the number
of corrections
the paper ran last year (1223) is a piece by syndicated columnist
William Pfaff (not online at the Globe's website) that refers
to "ex-US Senator Charles Schumer."
Here
is the Pfaff column - first published last Friday - at the website of
the International Herald Tribune. As you'll see, Schumer is
properly identified as a current senator. But, of course, this could
have been corrected after it came in.
So did a Globe editor
introduce the mistake or simply fail to fix it? Media Log will be
watching the corrections column.
Clipping service. Bruce
Allen wants to know: how much leeway does that disclaimer at the
bottom of the Globe's sports-notes columns give? Is it okay
for a writer - like football columnist Ron Borges - simply to
cut-and-paste
from ESPN.com?
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Saturday, January 10, 2004
The Democrats and the war (a
semi-correction). Media Log reader F.C. thinks a correction is in
order for my item
on the New Republic's endorsement of Joe Lieberman, whom I
called "the only one of the nine Democratic presidential candidates"
to support the war in Iraq.
"In fact," writes F.C., "Gephardt,
Edwards and Kerry all voted to authorize Bush to use military force,
and Gephardt was among the first Democrats to do so
publicly."
I semi-agree. John Kerry, depending
on how things are going on any particular moment, can sound as
antiwar as Howard Dean these days, so I will definitely stick with
leaving him out of the prowar mix.
As for Gephardt, he said at the
time of the vote that he thought it represented the best chance for
peace.
Here's a postwar Gephardt statement:
I said to President Bush
in the Oval Office, a number of times early last year, that he had
to get the UN, he had to get NATO, he had to start the
inspections, he had to weld together an alliance to do whatever
needed to be done. He failed at that. We're now seven months into
the event, or eight months, and he still hasn't gotten it
done!
That said, Gephardt did vote "yes"
on the Bush administration's request for $87 billion to help
reconstruct Iraq. So did Lieberman.
On the other hand, Kerry and
Edwards voted "no." And though Edwards has not sought to distance
himself from his prowar vote with quite the vigor that Gephardt has,
his statement
about the $87 billion were pointed:
The policy this
administration was pursuing in Iraq was not working. It needed to
be changed. And I wanted to say absolutely clearly that it needed
to be changed.
What's beyond dispute is that no
one other than Lieberman has made this
kind of statement:
Look, long before George
Bush became president, I reached a conclusion that Saddam Hussein
was a threat to the US and to the world, and particularly to his
own people who he was brutally suppressing. I believe that the war
against Saddam was right, and that the world is safer with him
gone.
Which is why I called Lieberman the
only one of the nine to support the war. If I had added the word
"unreservedly," I suppose that would have gotten it exactly
right.
More on the Herald's
unlabeled front-page ad. WBUR Radio weighed in on Friday. Click
here
to see the fake front. You can also listen to a commentary by Boston
University journalism-department chairman Bob Zelnick.
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Thursday, January 08, 2004
Ben Bradlee departs
Globe. Veteran Boston Globe staff member Ben
Bradlee Jr. - on leave to write a book about Ted Williams - has
decided not to return. Globe editor Marty Baron's
memo
to the staff has been posted on Romenesko. A copy was sent to Media
Log as well. It reads:
To the staff:
I am sorry to report that we are
saying farewell to a colleague whose 25 years of dedicated service
to The Boston Globe has brought some of its finest journalistic
achievements.
Ben Bradlee Jr. has served this
paper in a wide range of capacities - as investigative reporter,
state government reporter, national correspondent, foreign
correspondent, the editor overseeing State House and City Hall
bureaus, the Assistant Managing Editor for local news, and Deputy
Managing Editor for Projects and Investigations.
To each of those jobs, he
brought passion, fierce competitiveness, and a drive to get at the
truth. Ben has held us to high standards and high ambitions, and
he has become a dear friend to so many here.
Over the past year and a half,
Ben has been on a leave of absence while researching and writing a
book on Ted Williams. He will continue to work on that book, his
fourth. A few weeks ago, Ben said he had concluded that now would
be a good time to move on to another phase of his life, and in
that I know he has our best wishes.
He also has our thanks for his
many contributions to the Globe's success. I am particularly
grateful for his invaluable leadership on the investigation of the
priest sex-abuse scandal, where he always pressed forward and
never settled for less than the full story. The book that emerged
from that investigation, "Betrayal: The Crisis in the Catholic
Church," would never have been published without Ben, who
conceived the project, oversaw the reporting, and personally
edited it.
Ben won't be far away, and I'm
sure he'll be available for good advice, journalistic inspiration,
or maybe just a drink among friends.
Marty
Bradlee, 55, had been at the
Globe for 25 years. Among his books is Guts and Glory: The
Rise and Fall of Oliver North, published in 1988, in the midst of
the Iran-contra scandal.
And yes, his father is the retired
executive editor of the Washington Post, the legendary
Benjamin Crowninshield Bradlee.
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Where's Marty? Perhaps the
only surprising thing about the New Republic's endorsement of
Joe Lieberman is that boy wonder editor Peter Beinart is taking
pretty much sole credit for it.
Lieberman's politics - moderate on
social and economic issues, hawkish on national security - are
perfectly in alignment with those of Martin Peretz, the magazine's
principal owner and editor-in-chief.
Yet Peretz's name didn't even come
up last night when Beinart appeared on CNN's Paula Zahn Now to
discuss
the endorsement.
BEINART: It was a vigorous
internal debate within the magazine. In fact, in this issue of the
magazine we're publishing, four dissents in favor of other
candidates. At the end of the day, as the editor in consultation,
I made this decision feeling it was our responsibility to take a
side.
ZAHN: That's a nice way of
saying, you're the big cheese. You ultimately sign off on the
decision.
BEINART: After listening to a
lot of people.
Of course, the phrase "editor in
consultation" leaves a lot of room for the involvement of others,
including Peretz. But clearly a judgment was made to portray this as
the decision of the magazine collectively, led by Beinart. And it was
easier to do that this time around, since Peretz isn't known to be
personal friends with Lieberman or any of the other candidates, as he
was and is with Al Gore.
The endorsement itself is freely
available, so have
a look. What it really
comes down to is one thing: TNR supported the war in Iraq, and
Lieberman is the only one of the nine Democratic presidential
candidates to do the same. For instance, there is this:
Fundamentally, the Dean
campaign equates Democratic support for the Iraq war with
appeasement of President Bush. But the fight against Saddam
Hussein falls within a hawkish liberal tradition that stretches
through the Balkan wars, the Gulf war, and, indeed, the cold war
itself. Lieberman is not the only candidate who stands in that
tradition - Wesley Clark promoted it courageously in Kosovo, as
did Richard Gephardt when he defied the polls to vote for $87
billion to rebuild Iraq. But Lieberman is its most steadfast
advocate, not only in the current field but in the entire
Democratic Party.
That's a fair assessment. And I'm
reasonably sure that Lieberman would never have resorted to the
duplicitous arguments about weapons of mass destruction that were
used by the Bush White House to concoct its case for war.
But, short of the prospect of Iraqi
nukes, how could Lieberman - or anyone else - have convinced the
American public that waging war was the right thing to do? As
horrible a dictator as Saddam Hussein was, the chaos in Iraq today
shows that this war was a terrible idea. Now that we know
there were no weapons, what do we tell the families of American
soldiers (not to mention Iraqis) whose lives have been lost?
The editorial is accompanied by
pieces from the TNR staff favoring John
Edwards, Dick
Gephardt, Wesley
Clark, and Howard
Dean.
Nowhere in sight: Massachusetts
senator John Kerry.
Ed Gillespie, lying liar.
Even though Wes Boyd, head of the lefty political website
MoveOn.org,
has clearly explained that he had nothing to do with the ad comparing
George W. Bush to Adolf Hitler that had been posted by a contest
participant; even though the ad was removed as soon as it was brought
to his attention; Republican National Committee chairman Ed
Gillespie's disingenuous
rant is still up on the
party's website, GOP.com.
Here is MoveOn.org's
statement.
And here's an analysis
by Timothy Karr at Mediachannel.org,
complete with the requisite link to an unhinged column in the
right-wing New York Post.
New in this week's
Phoenix: John Kerry battles to revive
his moribund presidential campaign.
And the Narco News Bulletin
is back.
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Wednesday, January 07, 2004
Front page for sale. I
couldn't find one while I was running around the Back Bay earlier
today, but a colleague just handed it to me: a very, very
special edition of today's Boston Herald, given to her free of
charge at Downtown Crossing.
Free, but not without a cost.
Because the front is a mock cover that looks like the
Herald, but that is apparently a full-page ad for JetBlue, which
today - according to the lead "story" - "launches its
much-anticipated nonstop service from Logan Airport to Orlando, Tampa
and Denver."
The splash reads "JetBlue Arrives,
Promises a Free TV to All Who Fly." There's an asterisk next to "TV,"
and an explanation that the head refers merely to "the complimentary
satellite TV on JetBlue, not an actual television set."
Other tidbits include "Flight
Attendant Gives Passenger Entire Can of Soda," "Blue Potato Chip
Discovered, Enjoyed by JetBlue Passenger," and weather reports from
JetBlue's destination cities.
Something you won't find:
any mention of the fact that this is an advertisement, not
news.
Flip open the paper, and there is
today's unadulterated Herald. So, yeah, it's a free newspaper
once you get past the front-page ad.
But at the very least, the front
should have been prominently labeled as an ad. This isn't just a
violation of the traditional wall separating business and editorial -
this is an out-and-out demolition.
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Bush's mind: empty, closed, or
both? Check this
out from Elisabeth Bumiller's profile of national-security adviser
Condoleezza Rice in today's New York Times:
Richard Haass, the former
director of policy planning at the State Department who is now the
president of the Council on Foreign Relations, recalls going to
see Ms. Rice in July 2002, well before the president began making
a public case for ousting Mr. Hussein, to discuss with Ms. Rice
"the pros and cons" of making Iraq a priority.
"Basically she cut me off and
said, 'Save your breath - the president has already decided
what he's going to do on this,'" Mr. Haass said.
Not that you can blame Bush. After
all, there were all of those dangerous aluminum
tubes and stores of
Niger
yellowcake to be gotten rid
of.
And as Bush recently
explained
to Diane Sawyer when she pointed out that the White House had
actually accused Saddam Hussein of having weapons of mass
destruction, "as opposed to the possibility that he could move to
acquire those weapons":
"So what's the
difference?"
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Tuesday, January 06, 2004
Hunting really stupid humans
with David Brooks. Josh
Marshall and
Bob
Somerby have already
explained why David Brooks's column
in today's New York Times - claiming that criticism of the
neoconservatives is a form of anti-Semitism - is so deeply
offensive.
But let me zero in on just one
part. Brooks writes:
Theories about the tightly
knit neocon cabal came in waves. One day you read that neocons
were pushing plans to finish off Iraq and move into Syria. Web
sites appeared detailing neocon conspiracies; my favorite
described a neocon outing organized by Dick Cheney to hunt for
humans.
Really? Is this what all of us
liberal and lefty conspiracy theorists are buzzing about these days -
that Dick Cheney likes to shoot humans when there aren't enough
tame
pheasants to blast out of
the sky?
I fired up Google and got to work.
First, I came across this
post on the website of the
Portland (Oregon) Independent Media Center titled "9-11 Director
CHENEY RAPES CHILDREN and has a history of playing HUNT THE HUMAN in
Wyoming." It begins:
This whole neocon
monstrosity of America is a sick place. Its shallow media lets
these type of people into power here. SUMMARY: Cheney is involved
in 'testing,' hunting, and raping children who were Monarch Mind
Control Slaves when he was the sole Representative for Wyoming in
the 1970s. Below is some testimony from one of his child victims.
Well, this certainly explains how he could have the composure or
sang froid to be the Bush Administrations's 9-11 Director as he
oversaw the deaths of thousands in the World Trade Center, told
the military planes to standdown, and let the plane hit the
Pentagon (without ordering the evacuation of it as he could have
over 30 minutes earlier, and without ordering the evacuation of
the fourth plane hit location, the Congress, either). Cheney
ordered the fourth plane shot down as well, even according to
nimrod Bush. Cheney is one sick asshole who deserves the electric
chair.
Crazy? Well, yeah, of course. But
to read Brooks, you'd think he'd learned of this nuttiness by paging
through the Dean
for America weblog.
But wait: it gets better. Because
it turns out that the only other entry I could find for Cheney and
human-hunting involves - yes! - Bill Clinton! Check
this out:
Another Clinton-Bush
connection is their love of hunting mind controlled men, women and
children, The Most Dangerous Game. Cathy describes one of
experiences at Swiss Villa when Clinton and Bush went hunting with
dogs for herself, her daughter, Kelly and two mind
controlled "toy soldiers", one of whom had Italian-looking
features:
Swiss Villa appeared deserted,
except for Bill Clinton and George Bush who stood at the edge of
the woods with their hunting dogs at the ready to embark on " The
Most Dangerous Game of human hunting. (Clinton shared Bush's
passion for traumatising and hunting humans)...Bush and Clinton
alike in camouflage pants, army boots, and wind breakers. The
two shared the trademark of sharing a cap with cryptic meaning.
This time, Bush's camouflage cap had an orange insignia which said
"Dear Hunter". Clinton's blue cap read, "Aim High" and had a
picture of a rifle on it. Clinton appeared awkward with his
hunting rifle, while Bush looked like an expert marksman with his
black rifle and elaborate scope.
"The rules of the game are
simple" Bush began, triggering me by using the same words that
always preceded the most dangerous game.
Clinton interrupted; "You run,
We hunt "
Bush continued: 'This will be
called " Hunt for a Virgin"' ( Clinton chuckled) 'and she's
it. He pointed to Kelley who was still in my arms. "I catch
you, she's mine"
Clinton spoke up: 'You'll have
plenty of time to play with the dogs because they'll have
you pinned down while we... ' ( he slid a bullet in the chamber
for emphasis)'... hunt down the bigger game.' Clinton
glared a the "toy soldier" with the waxy face. Toy soldier was a
term I often heard referring to the mind-controlled robotic
'"special forces'"young men who operated under the New World
Order.
And on and on it goes.
So what's the point? Simple: why is
David Brooks shoveling this garbage out there as though it were
something that's actually being talked about by those who oppose the
Bush-Cheney policy of pre-emptive war? And why is he portraying the
human-hunting crap as though it were directed at Cheney and his
neocon friends, when in fact a cursory examination reveals that
Clinton - the original victim of the vast right-wing conspiracy - has
been dragged into it as well?
When Brooks got an op-ed
columnist's slot at the Times last year, my biggest question
was whether the paper's right-wing critics would be appeased by
hiring someone so moderate.
Well, it's increasingly looking
like Brooks has decided to reinvent himself. And it ain't
pretty.
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Monday, January 05, 2004
A very bad day for Dick
Gephardt. Even without Al Sharpton and Wesley Clark, yesterday's
Democratic presidential debate in Iowa still felt too
crowded.
Though Media Log was pleased that
the bloviating Sharpton was MIA, Clark appears to be emerging as the
consensus choice as Howard Dean's strongest challenger.
So you had the worst of both
worlds: seven candidates, not much of an improvement over nine; and
the most potentially interesting confrontation failing to take
place.
For my money, then, the most
interesting subplot in this lowered-stakes debate was John Edwards's
absolute evisceration of Dick Gephardt. Gephardt, from neighboring
Missouri, has to win the Iowa caucuses. Gephardt himself would
surely tell you otherwise, but the plain truth is that if he can't
win there, he can't win anywhere.
And Gephardt was having a pretty
good day, appearing more animated than usual and seeming to get more
face time than most of the other candidates.
But then he mistakenly said that
all of his opponents had voted for NAFTA and for free trade with
China except Dennis Kucinich.
"Can I respond first to what was
just said?" interjected Edwards. "Because it was very skillfully
done; he lumped everybody together."
Note the little trick Edwards pulls
here: Gephardt not only wronged me, but did it in a way that shows
he's a skilled politician.
According to the transcript,
Edwards continued:
First of all, I didn't
vote for NAFTA. I campaigned against NAFTA. NAFTA passed before I
got to the Congress, to the United States Senate.
And I might add, you could pick
out any one vote of anybody on this stage - you
[Gephardt], for example, voted for fast-track authority
for Bush I that led to the passage of NAFTA.
So the point is - and I don't
believe you're not for American workers; I do. I absolutely
believe that. But I think you could take any one vote from any
candidate and distort it. And we ought to tell the truth about
this.
This is first-rate political
gamesmanship on Edwards's part.
First, he sets the record straight.
Next, he points out that not all of Gephardt's votes have been in
accord with his anti-NAFTA stance. Finally - and this is the best
part - Edwards deconstructs the debate, explaining that plucking out
single votes and beating people over the head with them is just
wrong, y'all.
You can see how Edwards got to be a
zillionaire as a trial lawyer. The wonder is that he hasn't done
better in his presidential campaign.
Gephardt's response was as
flat-footed as Edwards could have hoped for. Roll the
transcript:
GEPHARDT: Well, John, you
weren't in Congress when NAFTA came up, so you couldn't vote. But
you voted for the China...
EDWARDS: But you just said I
voted for it.
GEPHARDT: I
understand.
(LAUGHTER)
EDWARDS: You
understand?
(LAUGHTER)
(APPLAUSE)
EDWARDS: Does that mean you're
wrong? You'll take it back now?
GEPHARDT: I'm quite willing to
say that you weren't there and you didn't vote for it.
But you voted for the China
agreement, and it's had a bad impact here in Iowa, and it's had a
bad impact in your state of North Carolina.
Adam Nagourney reports
in today's New York Times that Gephardt "appeared to redden a
bit" during this exchange. The color on my TV set must be off, but I
should think he would have.
Thanks to Edwards's deftness, it
turned out to be a fairly good day for Dean, despite Joe Lieberman's
effective attack on him for refusing to make public all of his
records from his years as governor of Vermont.
Dean is in defensive mode, trying
to protect a lead that, though substantial, may not be quite as big
as it was a few weeks ago.
The Dean strategy: (1) eliminate
Gephardt in Iowa; (2) eliminate John Kerry in New Hampshire; (3) try
to withstand a post-New Hampshire surge from Clark or, less likely,
from Lieberman.
Edwards certainly helped Dean with
part one yesterday.
posted at 8:56 AM |
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Friday, January 02, 2004
60 Minutes versus the
New York Times. There may be a problem with Sharon
Waxman's report
that CBS paid $1 million to Michael Jackson partly in return for his
agreeing to be interviewed by Ed Bradley. Roger Friedman has the
details
at FoxNews.com.
Waxman's story was devastating. But
60 Minutes is - along with Nightline - the last great
TV news institution, and I'm willing to give Don Hewitt and company
the benefit of the doubt. It will be fascinating to see how this
plays out, given the Times' own troubles over the past
year.
New in this week's
Phoenix. 2004 is likely to be a
very good year for George
W. Bush and Capitol Hill Republicans - and, thus, a very bad one for
progressive aspirations.
Also, what if everything we know
about mad-cow
disease is
wrong?
posted at 9:36 AM |
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MEDIA LOG ARCHIVES
Dan Kennedy is senior writer and media critic for the Boston Phoenix.