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Saturday, October 30, 2004
THE POLITICS OF TERRORISM.
The re-emergence
of Osama bin Laden raises a
natural question three days before the presidential election: who
benefits politically? This is dicey territory, and it's easy to come
off as flip or disrespectful. But since bin Laden almost certainly
wants to influence the outcome of the election, we ought to
try to figure out what he's looking for. Not that it should change our minds about anything.
I can't seem to find the link this
morning - I remember seeing it on Slate, but maybe it was
elsewhere - but I subscribe to the bipartisan view that bin Laden
would like to see George W. Bush win, because he's such a great
recruiting tool for Al Qaeda, but that the Iraqi insurgents would
like to see John Kerry win, because they're convinced he'll cut a
deal (or cut and run). So, terroristically speaking, it's a wash.
Now, if it's true that bin Laden
wants Bush, then it's fascinating to see how he weaves in bits from
Michael Moore's Fahrenheit 9/11, including the part about Bush
continuing to read My Pet Goat to the schoolchildren after the
second World Trade Center tower had been hit. Kerry has adopted some
of this rhetoric in his own campaign. Nothing wrong with that - Bush
should be criticized for his seeming inability to excuse
himself politely and get to work in the midst of Pearl Harbor II.
Atmospherically, though, it can't help Kerry to have bin Laden
delivering the same lines during the campaign's final
hours. Is that deliberate on bin Laden's part?
And by the way, Kerry has been
getting ripped lately for being a Monday-morning quarterback by
criticizing Bush for "outsourcing" the job of killing bin Laden after
he'd escaped to Tora Bora. The New York Times' David Brooks
has a column
today that's typical.
Well, fine. But shouldn't Kerry's
critics point out that Monday morning took place not during this
campaign but in June 2002? That's when Kerry appeared on Meet the
Press and leveled that criticism for the first time.
Kerry
said:
Al Qaeda, a thousand
strong, was gathered in one single mountain area, Tora Bora, and
we turned to Afghans, who a week earlier had been fighting for the
other side, and said, "Hey, you guys go up there in the mountains
and go after the world's number-one terrorist and criminal who
just killed 3000-plus Americans." I think that was an enormous
mistake. I think the Tora Bora operation was a failed military
operation.... And the fact is that the prime target, Al Qaeda, has
dispersed and in many ways is more dangerous than it was when it
was in the mountains of Tora Bora.
HUMAN TOUCH. The stakes in
this election are so high that it's almost impossible not to
personalize everything. If you're a regular Media Log reader, then
you know that I think Bush is the worst president since Richard
Nixon, and that the war in Iraq was by far the biggest foreign-policy
blunder since Vietnam - maybe bigger. And on and on: tax cuts for the
rich, the environment, civil liberties, etc., etc. You know the
drill.
Anyway, I want you to read
this
post ("Bush for President")
by John Ellis about his cousin. I know Ellis a bit and like him. He
has been unfairly skewered for doing his job at Fox News four years
ago - that is, calling Florida for Bush and, like everyone else,
getting it wrong. Ellis does not change my mind about anything. But
it's a useful reminder that Bush is human, and that - though I find
his arrogant, bird-flipping,
good-old-boy act incredibly off-putting - in his private life he's a
perfectly fine person.
When it's all over, be it Wednesday
morning or January 2009, I think the tragedy of the Bush presidency
will be that he lacked the wisdom, the judgment, and the maturity to
know enough not to surround himself with the likes of
Dick
Cheney and Karl Rove, and to do everything they tell him.
Bush is not my kind of guy. Remember
his mocking
Karla Faye Tucker after her
execution? I think the country's future depends on his losing on
Tuesday. But still, we should remember that there's an actual person
behind the caricature.
WHO'S WINNING? Oh, who
knows? Electoral-Vote.com:
Bush, 280; Kerry 243. Slate:
Kerry, 272; Bush, 266. Zogby:
Kerry, 47 percent; Bush, 46 percent. (Four years ago at this time:
Bush, 46 percent; Gore, 42 percent.) Real
Clear Politics: Bush, 48.7
percent; Kerry, 46.2 percent.
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Friday, October 29, 2004
"I CAN'T BELIEVE I'M LOSING TO
THIS GUY." That's what Jon "Mike Dukakis" Lovitz said about Dana
"George Bush" Carvey 16 years ago. And it's what John Kerry ought to
be saying about George W. Bush today.
No, Kerry's not exactly losing. The
polls
are very close (though Kerry's behind in all of them), and there are
trends that work in Kerry's favor: the fact that undecideds tend to
break for the challenger, and the enormous voter-registration efforts
made by Democratic groups. Media Log is predicting that Kerry will
squeak out a victory. But I say that with full knowledge that the
numbers suggest otherwise. All this despite another mind-blowing week
underscoring the incompetence and perniciousness of the Bush
administration.
The big news of the week, of
course, is that the Pentagon allowed 380 tons of incredibly dangerous
explosives to slip through its grasp following the invasion of Iraq.
The White House has been spinning like mad all week. Just yesterday,
Bush denounced Kerry's "wild
charges." But now a
videotape has turned up containing incontrovertible
proof that the US military
moved through the compound in April 2003, happened upon what was
likely a vast store of explosives, and - lacking orders to do
anything about it - moved on.
Josh
Marshall has been on this
like a lamprey eel on a lake trout. Be sure to read his account of
former weapons inspector David Kay's interview with CNN's Aaron
Brown.
But if the missing explosives is
the most important story, it's far from the only one.
The Bushies are trying to take away
the
NAACP's tax exemption,
because chairman Julian Bond had the temerity to speak out against
the Great Leader, and because the Republicans can't bring back the
poll
tax until the second term,
after they've replaced a few justices on the Supreme
Court.
Dick Cheney's old company,
Halliburton,
on whose payroll he remains, is under criminal
investigation.
A new study suggests that
100,000
Iraqi civilians died for
what Cheney calls a "remarkable success story."
And the flagging campaign of
Kentucky senator Jim Bunning, a Republican whose re-election is key
to the GOP maintaining its majority, is taunting Democratic opponent
Daniel Mongiardo as one of them "limp-wristed"
guys, if you follow their drift.
All of which is why Kerry ought to
be saying: I can't believe I'm losing to this guy.
Three more days to change
that.
PAGING JOE FITZGERALD! The
Boston Herald's selectively outraged ethics
cop needs to be heard from.
Today the Herald runs a story
about the arrest of Mathew Westling, the son of former Boston
University president Jon Westling, who was charged with acting up in
Kenmore Square after the Red Sox' World Series victory. The
Herald's headline: "Son of BU Ex-Prez Strikes Out with
Police."
Oh, my. Isn't that exactly
what got Joe Fitz so upset with the Globe when it noted in a
subhead that Joe Nee - charged in the South Shore Columbine wanna-be
case - was the son of Boston police union president Tom
Nee?
Why, yes it is! Here's what Joe
Fitz wrote just eight days ago: "What did this father's job have to
do with his kid's alleged offense? How were the two in any way
connected, let alone worthy of such attention?" That Fitzgerald
column was headlined, "Globe's Headline Hit Way Below the
Belt."
It will be fascinating to see
whether Fitzgerald displays equal empathy for the Westling
family.
posted at 1:58 PM |
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Thursday, October 28, 2004
PRACTICING FOR ELECTION NIGHT.
Watch the video here.
(Thanks to Susan
Ryan-Vollmar.)
posted at 2:06 PM |
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HAD O'TOOLE BEEN TRAINED?
Yesterday's coverage of the investigation into Victoria Snelgrove's
death left a significant unanswered question: had Deputy
Superintendent Robert O'Toole been trained to use the "less lethal"
pepper-pellet gun or not? According to the Globe,
he hadn't been; according to the Herald,
he is "among the city's most experienced weapons experts."
Today that question appears to have
been resolved in favor of the Herald's account. Here is
today's
Globe:
Disputing an account in
yesterday's Globe, [attorney] Timothy M. Burke said his
client [O'Toole] was trained to use the weapon....
Police sources and a person
involved in the investigation into Snelgrove's death have told the
Globe that Robert O'Toole was not trained to use the
weapon.
But Burke said his client was
trained to use the gun and fired it "at least 10 times" when he
attended a five-day civil disturbance seminar in Ithaca, N.Y.,
prior to the Democratic National Convention in July....
Asked if O'Toole's firing the
weapon 10 times at a single instructional session constituted
being trained, Burke said, "In conjunction with his use of all
sorts of weapons, yes."
The Herald reports
today on whether O'Toole may have abandoned his supervisory role by
firing the gun himself.
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AT LONG LAST. My Red Sox
memories are the same as yours, so no need to rattle on at too much
length. I first became dimly aware of the Sox in the Impossible Dream
year of 1967, and began following them closely in 1968. That kicked
off a several-year span when I would read the Sporting News
from front to back, right down to obscure goings-on in the Pacific
Coast League.
I watched the sixth and seventh
games of the 1975 World Series with my parents, who were then the
same age that Mrs. Media Log and I are today. The 1978 playoff game
took place on the same day that my media-law class at Northeastern
was meeting for the first time. We all assumed the professor, Joe
Mahoney, would let us go as soon as he took attendance. We assumed
wrong, but we did get out in time to hear Bucky Dent do his thing on
a radio at the Northeastern News. By 1986, my father had
passed away and my mother was terminally ill; she and I watched the
horrifying sixth and inevitable seventh games together. Since then, I
haven't gotten too emotionally invested in the Sox, although - like
everyone else - I walked around in a daze for a while last year over
Grady Little's utter loss of sanity.
But like I said, I'm not telling
you anything you don't already know. You've lived it, too. So last
night was just an incredibly satisfying moment. I've never believed
in the Curse, unless you define it as perpetually fielding teams that
aren't good enough. But for this team, in particular, to win it all
was astounding. They were dead through July. They were dead through
the first eight innings of the fourth game against the Yankees. Even
though they've got the second-highest payroll in baseball, and even
though they were a consensus choice to win the Series way back last
spring, these Red Sox somehow found a way to make themselves beloved
underdogs.
I don't even care that Curt
Schilling endorsed George W. Bush on Good Morning America
today. Schilling had a magnificent season, and did exactly what he
was brought here to do: win a World Series, even though he risked
ending his career.
It also says a lot about this team
that even after handing the Cardinals a four-straight pasting, there
was no obvious choice for Series MVP. Manny Ramirez was as good a
pick as anyone, especially since the Sox spent most of last winter
trying to get rid of him.
Given the looming free-agent
situation and the possibility that Schilling won't be able to come back, it may be a few years before the Red Sox are in a position
to win another one. I don't care. This is a moment many of us have
been waiting for all of our lives.
BURIED IN HIS GLOBE
T-SHIRT. You might have missed this one, but it's worth sharing.
On Tuesday, the Boston Globe published Gloria Negri's obit of
Kevin
Capelle, a 37-year-old news
dealer who was a dwarf. By all means read the entire piece, but the
last line is priceless: "In accordance with the family's wishes, the
funeral director said, Mr. Capelle will be buried wearing a Boston
Globe T-shirt."
SONG OF THE SOUTH. WBUR
Radio (90.9 FM) recently broadcast Michael Goldfarb's fine
Southern State of Mind documentary, on how the old white South
is (and isn't) changing. Of course, the problem with radio programs
such as this is that they're never on when you're listening. But you
can hear it online right
here, as well as check out
Goldfarb's photos and observations.
Because I didn't want to sit in
front of my computer for an hour, I had to capture the stream on my
computer, save it, convert it to a format that my iPod would
understand, and then move it over. So here's a suggestion for WBUR's
interim general manager, Peter Fiedler: put at least some of 'BUR's
content online as MP3 files, as WNYC Radio does with On
the Media.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. From the Patriot Act to presidential records,
George W. Bush has presided over an unprecedented rise in
government
secrecy.
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Wednesday, October 27, 2004
THE SYNTAX OF DEADLY FORCE.
Was the death of Victoria Snelgrove a tragic, unforeseeable accident?
Or was it the perfectly predictable consequence of the manner in
which Boston police responded to the surging crowd outside Fenway
Park last Thursday morning? It all comes down to one little word:
than. And the Boston Globe and the Boston Herald
have gotten it wrong as often as they've gotten it right.
I'm no weapons expert, but I can
understand ordinary English. The problem is that the papers have
alternately described the pepper-pellet gun that killed Snelgrove as
being "less than lethal" and "less lethal," as though they mean the
same thing. Not exactly. Not even close. "Less than lethal" means
"nonlethal"; there's really no room for interpretation. "Less lethal"
means the opposite: "lethal." Less lethal than an Uzi, for sure, but
lethal nevertheless.
So which is it? A website known as
PoliceOne.com describes the pellet gun that was used - the FN 303,
manufactured by FN
Herstal - as "less lethal."
The headline of this
press release couldn't be
more clear: "FNH USA Extends Less Lethal/FN 303 Training Program For
2004." Another law-enforcement site, Tactical Response Magazine
Online, refers
to "the FN Herstal 303 less-lethal weapon system." A less
savory-sounding site, Sniper Country PX, is selling
the 303 for $875.50. Here's
the come-on: "The FN 303 is designed to be the premier system for
situations requiring less lethal response. Completely dedicated to
reduced lethality and liability."
The only logical conclusion is that
the FN 303 is lethal, only less so than standard-issue police
weapons. Yet the Globe and the Herald have seemingly
gone out of their way to obfuscate the situation.
Both papers have used the phrases
"less lethal" and "less than lethal" almost interchangeably, but the
Globe's headlines have been particularly egregious. Last
Friday, the paper ran a headline that said "'Nonlethal'
Guns Causing Alarm," with a
lead that made a generic reference to "less lethal weapons." On
Saturday came this headline: "Nonlethal
Weapons Draw Praise, Caution."
The story even refers to "so-called less-than-lethal munitions." Uh,
no, they're actually not so called.
The Herald has been slightly
better about sticking with the phrase "less lethal," but on Monday it
ran a headline that said "Protesters
Demand Ban on 'Less-Than-Lethal'
Guns." Columnist
Mike
Barnicle referred to
"less-than-lethal crowd control weapons" on Tuesday. Columnist Peter
Gelzinis gets
it right today.
As the extent of police
irresponsibility becomes clear, the distinction between "less than
lethal" and "less lethal" will be crucial. Today's
Globe story adds a
lot of details about the alleged actions of Deputy Superintendent
Robert O'Toole. The
Herald is well worth
reading, too. Based on what we now know, it seems that police
officers fired into a crowd with weapons that they knew, or should
have known, could be deadly.
Yes, this was a tragic accident.
But it was also one that was entirely predictable.
CALLING ALL LAWYERS! If I
were a lawyer for the Kerry campaign, I would be knocking on the door
of the Club
for Growth right now,
demanding to see the model releases for all the elderly folks in
this
sleazy ad. A full-page
version appears in today's New York Times, and the faces are
clearly recognizable. Did these people really agree to let their
images be used to sell the club's dubious message? I doubt
it.
THREE REASONS WHY THE RED SOX
HAVE TO WIN TONIGHT. 1) Tim Wakefield in Game Five. A good
guy who helped croak the Yankees. But he had a mediocre season and
stunk out the joint in Game One against the Cardinals. 2) Curt
Schilling in Game Six. Sure, if he does it again, it will be one of
the great sports stories of the year - it already is. But do you
really want to take the chance that his stitched-up ankle will hold
out for another six innings? 3) Pedro Martínez in Game
Seven. Pedro can't pitch in the cold. The long-range forecast for
Sunday night: 44 degrees.
Go, D-Lowe!
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Tuesday, October 26, 2004
WHAT OTHERS ARE SAYING. I
haven't changed my mind about those Boston Herald photos, but
I have calmed down. In the interest of offering some additional
perspective, I suggest you take a look at Herald business
reporter Jay Fitzgerald's blog, in which he offers some
characteristically smart,
thoughtful comments in
guarded support of the Herald's original decision to run the
photos.
Letters
to Romenesko has a few
intelligent comments, as well as a few stupid ones. They're posted in
reverse chronological order, so all of the letters come after
my response. Herald staffer Tom Mashberg's is particularly
good, though I disagree with him.
Last Friday, on Greater
Boston's "Beat the Press" media roundtable on WGBH-TV (Channel
2), I was surprised to find myself pretty much alone in asserting
that the photos shouldn't have been run. You can watch it
here;
click on "View Webcast" in the lower left, at your own chosen speed,
and make sure your popup blocker has been turned off.
In what may be a first and last,
Herald columnist Mike
Barnicle and I are on the
same side.
Finally, the Boston Globe
today has significant new information. According to the
report,
by Donovan Slack and John Ellement, Deputy Superintendent Robert
O'Toole was among four officers who shot pepper pellets into the
crowd, which raises questions as to whether that conflicted with his
supervisory role. One of those pellets, as we know, killed Victoria Snelgrove.
It also turns out that O'Toole's
career had been dealt a huge setback after he roughed up a prisoner
on television during the 1986 World Series. He was brought out of the
wilderness only last April by the new police commissioner, Kathleen
O'Toole, who is not related to him.
POLLING MADNESS. I don't
know what it means. You don't know what it means. Nobody knows what
it means. But what else do we have?
Electoral-Vote.com,
whose wild swings every day can induce motion sickness, has it Bush
285, Kerry 247 in this morning's state-by-state roundup. But that's
mainly because Florida and Ohio have been awarded to Bush, which
seems by no means certain.
Slate
scores it closer, Bush 276, Kerry 262. The main difference is that
Slate thinks Kerry's going to win Ohio.
The Los Angeles Times'
do-it-yourself interactive
map gives Bush 177
electoral votes and Kerry 153. Sitting in the comfort of your own
home, you can add swing states to your guy's column until he reaches
the magical 270. If only it were that easy!
The national polls all have the
race extremely tight, with Bush generally ahead by a few points. Go
to Real
Clear Politics for a roundup.
posted at 11:20 AM |
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Monday, October 25, 2004
OCTOBER SURPRISE. Of all the
arguments in favor of the war in Iraq, one of the strangest is that
it's better to fight them over there than over here.
Republicans, and George W. Bush himself, have used that line
repeatedly. Never, though, do they explain why the turmoil in Iraq
somehow renders Al Qaeda incapable of carrying out operations in the United
States. Indeed, the chaos we've created is exactly the sort of
environment in which terrorists thrive, making it easier for
them to hop on a plane to the US rather than harder.
Thus the front page of today's
New York Times is filled with the sort of dark, frightening
news that points out precisely why the Bush presidency has been such
an unmitigated disaster. Fifty Iraqi police recruits have
been killed,
execution-style. The Zarqawi organization, which now calls itself Al
Qaeda in Mesopotamia, has claimed responsibility, suggesting that
the terrorists are growing stronger by the day.
Far, far worse is the news that 380
tons of incredibly dangerous explosives disappeared
in Iraq in the aftermath of the American-British invasion. The
explosives are of the sort that brought down Pan Am Flight 103 in
Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988, and are also useful for triggering a
nuclear bomb. Saddam Hussein may not have had weapons of mass
destruction, but this stuff is horrifying
nevertheless.
What happened? The Times
report says:
Officials in Washington
said they had no answers to that question. One senior official
noted that the Qaqaa complex where the explosives were stored was
listed as a "medium priority" site on the Central Intelligence
Agency's list of more than 500 sites that needed to be searched
and secured during the invasion. "Should we have gone there?
Definitely," said one senior administration official.
In the chaos that followed the
invasion, however, many of those sites, even some considered a
higher priority, were never secured.
Josh
Marshall has a ton of
supplementary material, drawing mainly from a newsletter called the
Nelson Report. Apparently this story has been the subject of
rumors in Washington for weeks. Think carefully about Marshall's two
key observations, both backed up by evidence:
1. The White House has known about
the missing explosives for many months - possibly for a year and a
half - and has covered it up all this time, keeping the information
not only from the American people but from the International Atomic
Energy Agency as well. No doubt it desperately wanted this story not to come
out until November 3.
2. The evidence suggests that these
very same explosives have already been used against our troops in the
form of suicide and terrorist bombings in Iraq.
We've known at least since early
summer 2003 that the invasion was poorly planned and sloppily
executed. Now we have the first indication that the bungling has cost
Americans their lives - eight days before the election.
THE HERALD APOLOGIZES
II. Here
is the Boston Herald's published apology as it appeared in
Saturday's editions.
SLITHERING BELOW GAYDAR.
Susan
Ryan-Vollmar's got a
roundup of how the Bush-Cheney campaign hopes to squeak out a victory
by demonizing
gay and lesbian voters. You
already knew that, but she's got details.
ANONYMOUS SOURCES SAY ...
I'm glad that the number of people posting comments to Media Log has
been increasing (guess I should whack
Jon Stewart more often!),
but it has exposed a flaw in Blogger.com's
software.
Here's how it works. If you're a
registered member of Blogger.com, you can post a comment under your
user name or anonymously. But if you're not a registered
member (and most people aren't), you can only post
anonymously.
A few people have gotten around
this by making their name part of their comment. For the most part,
though, the comments section is just a sea of anonymous observations,
which can be somewhat problematic.
I don't want to turn off the
comments feature, but I am pondering the value of all this
anonymity.
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Friday, October 22, 2004
THE HERALD
APOLOGIZES. Editorial director Ken Chandler has issued this
statement:
The Herald today published
two graphic photos that angered and upset many in our community.
For that I apologize. Our aim was to demonstrate this terrible
tragedy as comprehensively as possible. In retrospect, the images
of this unusually ugly incident were too graphic.
Word is that this will appear in
tomorrow's edition as well.
Good. But I'd like to know how
Chandler's going to make sure this doesn't happen again.
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THE GLOBE, TOO. I
confess that I hadn't noticed the Globe's photo of a dying
Victoria Snelgrove until I read the comments
to my earlier item. I had seen the photo, and had noticed the
dreadlocked young man in the foreground. But Snelgrove's sprawled
body eluded my not-so-keen eye the first time around. No excuse - all
I had to do was read the caption.
It's black-and-white, it's small,
and it's not nearly as graphic as either of the two photos that the
Herald published. It's also not on the front page. But I
wouldn't have run it, and I don't think the Globe should have.
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A TABLOID'S NEW LOW. Last
April, the Boston Herald published on its front page an
Associated Press photo of the charred body of an American contractor
who had been killed in Fallujah. It was an eminently newsworthy
picture. Yet so deeply ingrained is the unwritten rule that you don't
show photos of dead bodies that the caption said the image had been
darkened so the poor man's features would be obscured.
Today, the Herald has a
large, page-one color photo of Victoria Snelgrove, bloody and dying
on a sidewalk outside Fenway Park, the victim of what appears to be a
horrible accidental shooting by police amid the chaos and violence
that took place early Thursday morning. (And no, I'm not going to
link to it. Thank you for asking.) The headline: "Triumph and
Tragedy." I guess the message is that it's too bad the 21-year-old
Emerson College student got killed, but hey, baby, the Sox are going to the
Series! Indeed, there's a "Go Sox!" teaser right above the
picture.
On page four is an even more
graphic photo of Snelgrove, eyes closed, her face covered with blood,
as another woman checks her vital signs. At least it's in
black-and-white.
What is going on here? I'm a
believer in using graphic photos; I think it's safe to say that I'd
go farther than a lot of people. But this doesn't add to our
understanding of what happened in any way. We already know what
happened: Torie Snelgrove was shot in the eye by a marble-sized
projectile containing pepper spray. It happened at a moment when
police officers no doubt had legitimate fears that the situation was
about to spin completely out of control, as the Herald's
Dave
Wedge describes in pretty
compelling language.
This was a terrible accident; as
Kevin
Cullen and Heather Allen report
in today's Boston Globe, if the young woman had been hit in
any part of her body other than her eye, she wouldn't have
been killed. We learn absolutely nothing from the photos other than
the fact that the Herald in this instance has lost all sense
of decency and proportion.
How bad is this? This morning on
Dennis & Callahan, on WEEI Radio (AM 850), Gerry Callahan,
who writes a column for the Herald and who is not exactly
known for his squeamishness or taste, refused to defend the paper
when challenged by John Dennis.
The Herald has posted
numerous
reactions from its readers.
"Outraged," "disgraceful," "shocked and appalled," "extremely
troubled," "disgusted," "horrified," "thoughtless," "gratuitious and
offensive," "sensationalism," and "despicable" are just some of the
words and phrases that are used.
I am well aware of counterarguments
in favor of running graphic photos, even of death. Years ago the
Boston Herald American took an enormous amount of criticism for a
Stanley Forman photo of a woman and her goddaughter plunging
from a faulty fire escape; the adult died, the child survived. Forman's picture wound up winning a
Pulitzer, and it played a role in improving the safety of such fire
escapes. Photos of the bodies of American soldiers being dragged
through the streets of Mogadishu, and of a streetside execution in
Vietnam, drew similar criticism, but those were obviously
newsworthy.
For the past couple of years, media
folks have been debating whether and how much to depict of the
beheadings and other executions carried out by terrorists - a debate
that the Phoenix has found
itself right in the middle
of. Serious people can differ, but on this they would agree: there's
an inherent newsworthiness to the evil acts of people with whom we
are at war that is entirely lacking from the photos of a dying
Victoria Snelgrove.
I'm predicting an apology by
Herald publisher Pat Purcell - but even if I'm right, that's
not good enough. For the past year-and-a-half, his once-respectable
tabloid has been getting racier and more offensive by the week. There
are times when I think it's settling down - and then something like
this happens. The paper's got some damn good reporters and
photographers (the photos of Snelgrove were not taken by a
Herald photog). But, under editorial director Ken Chandler,
the paper has shown absolutely no controls to prevent itself from
stumbling into situations like this. An apology will be meaningless
unless this comes with some sort of real assurance that this won't
happen again.
Meanwhile, Media Log anxiously awaits
Joe
Fitzgerald's take on this
horrendous breakdown of any sense of journalistic ethics.
(Note: This item has been updated.)
posted at 11:23 AM |
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Thursday, October 21, 2004
UNBELIEVABLE! What an
amazing, stunning, wonderful week this has been. I watched bits and
pieces of the Red Sox' "Impossible Dream" season in 1967. I
distinctly remember Game Six of the 1975 World Series, perhaps the
greatest baseball game ever, and Game Six of the '86 Series,
certainly the all-time worst on a long list for Sox fans. And, of
course, there was last year's Game Seven, number-two on the
list.
I have nothing to say beyond that,
other than what hundreds and thousands of others are saying. I just
thought you'd enjoy the back page of today's New York Post,
along with this
piece on New York's newest
villain: Alex Rodriguez, the Greatest Shortstop of All Time, the guy
who almost came to Boston and who is now a distinctly mediocre third
baseman for the Yankees.
Not to mention a poor sport and a
crybaby.
JOE FITZ, MEDIA CRITIC. If
you're like most people, you may be surprised to learn that Joe
Fitzgerald still
writes a column (free this
week) for the Boston Herald. The former sportswriter's sleepy
compendium of religious pieties and gay-bashing isn't exactly a
must-read.
Yesterday, Fitzgerald turned his
keenly honed moral eye to the Boston Globe, which, he claimed,
had done something truly repellant: this past Tuesday the
Globe mentioned in a front-page subhead the fact that Joe Nee,
a just-arrested 18-year-old suspect in the Marshfield "Natural Born
Killers" case, is the son of Boston Police Patrolmen's Association
president Tom Nee.
"What did this father's job have to
do with his kid's alleged offense? How were the two in any way
connected, let alone worthy of such attention?," asked the shocked,
shocked Joe Fitz in a column headlined "Globe's Headline Hit Way
Below the Belt."
Now, let me back up for a moment.
I've been troubled by the way both dailies (not to mention other
media outlets) have handled this story. The Globe actually led
the paper with it on October 7, the day after authorities revealed
they had arrested Tobin Kerns, 16, on charges that he had planned to
kill eight teachers and students at Marshfield High School in a plot
reminiscent of the Columbine killings.
Granted, you never know until
something horrible actually happens, but it struck me then - and
still does - that the Globe and the Herald have both
overplayed the story, given the high likelihood that Kerns is guilty
of little more than having an unusually disturbing fantasy life. The
primary fault lies with law-enforcement officials, who should have
quietly insisted on this kid getting help rather than turning him
into a poster boy for school violence. Still, the papers shouldn't
have played along.
Okay, now, back to the scene of the
crime, as it were. It turns out that the first newspaper to mention
Joe Nee's name in connection with this case was - yes! - the
Herald. Way back on October 7, the Herald
reported:
Benjamin Kerns [the
suspect's father] and other sources said one of the other
members of Kern's group is Joe Nee, the son of Boston police
union President Thomas Nee. Numerous attempts to contact
Thomas Nee were unsuccessful.
However, a source said Nee was
one of a group of kids "hanging around saying, 'Wouldn't it be
cool to blow up the high school?'"
But "once they realized
[Kerns] was serious, they went to authorities."
Here is what the Globe
reported the same day:
[Benjamin] Kerns
said that ... his son had associated with three male friends from
school and that the group may have discussed plans for a violent
act, but he didn't think the youths would have carried out the
plan. And he said one of the other three youths was the
ringleader, not his son....
Kerns identified the teenager
who he said was the mastermind, but the Globe is withholding that
identity because the youth has not been charged. That youth's
father declined to comment last night.
Uh, Professor Fitzgerald, who do
you think was leading the journalistic ethics battle at that
point?
In his column yesterday, Fitzgerald
hangs his hat on the fact that the Globe stuck Joe Nee's
father in its headline, whereas the Herald merely gave it a
"mention" in its story. (Actually, three mentions, including a
story
with this lead: "The teen son of the Boston police union head showed
a handgun to a classmate near Marshfield High School and showed
another a hit list of people 'they were going to kill,' prosecutors
said.")
I'm sure Fitzgerald knows all this,
which is why he was clever enough to restrict his criticism to the
Globe's headline. For good measure, he also threw in a few of
the Herald's past journalistic sins, just to make sure
everyone knew that of course he wasn't singling out the
Globe. But his selective presentation of the facts was,
needless to say, fundamentally dishonest.
As this story moves forward, I hope
both papers, as well as other news orgs, stop salivating over
handouts from prosecutors and start showing proper skepticism about
this story.
But Joe Fitz's take on the
Globe's subhead is ludicrous. He might have a point if Joe
Nee's arrest had gotten more attention than it should have simply
because Nee has a well-known father. But that's obviously not the
case given how much coverage this story has been getting all
along.
The real concern is that the
media's overheated coverage could end up damaging the lives and
prospects of at least two troubled young men. In that context, the
headline about Tom Nee was irrelevant.
READ THIS. Former
Phoenix news editor Susan
Ryan-Vollmar has started a
blog "about motherhood, politics, and gay marriage." Last night she
posted a
dispiriting item about a
meeting she attended on Boston's school-assignment plans. Her
conclusion: "When I came home from the meeting, I gave Mrs. SRV a
summary and, just one year after buying our house in Boston, we had
our first serious discussion about moving out of the
city."
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. Dick Cheney's reputation is that of
"the
evil genius." His record at
Halliburton, though, reveals him to be nothing more than a corrupt,
incompetent hack.
posted at 9:13 AM |
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Wednesday, October 20, 2004
COLD COMFORT. Keeping their
Sox on atop
Mount Washington at 7:31
this morning.
MORE ON STEWART. CNET's got
a good
piece by Matt Hines on the
Net's fastest-growing phenomenon - Jon Stewart's appearance on
Crossfire. "The volume of downloads outpaced CNN's recent
ratings numbers for the actual show," Hines writes, which isn't
exactly a surprise.
Hines also describes
Crossfire as a "hit" in its current 4:30 p.m. time slot,
reporting that it drew an average audience of 615,000 during the
month of September. I guess it all depends on your point of
reference. The three network newscasts draw between 20 million and 30
million viewers depending on the news, and National Public Radio's
All Things Considered has about 10 million listeners. Just
trying to put into perspective Stewart's accusation that Paul Begala
and Tucker Carlson are personally dragging down the level of
political discourse.
Meanwhile, Media Log reader C.P.
suggests a useful expansion of my comment yesterday that "I know
Carlson a little, and he's not a dick, although I'll admit that he
often plays one on television." So here's a reminder
about how Carlson earlier this year dismissed John Edwards's
representation of a little girl whose intestines were sucked out by
faulty swimming pool motor as a "Jacuzzi" case - and of how he kept
returning to that theme over and over even after the record had been
set straight.
Disgusting and shameless, to say
the least. C.P.'s point: If you play a dick long enough, you
eventually become a dick.
THIS IS HILARIOUS. The only
thing missing from this
fantasy is Christopher
Reeve rising from the dead and walking again. (Thanks,
Bill.)
posted at 9:11 AM |
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Tuesday, October 19, 2004
MEDIA LOG IN THE CROSSFIRE!
I've never written anything for Media Log that has generated as many
comments - okay, attacks - as my
Saturday post on Jon
Stewart's Crossfire appearance. (The comments begin at the end
of the item.) "Did you even watch the show?" asked one. A: Yes, and I
read the transcript,
too. "Man, Stewart does everything but build a 4-lane highway to his
point and you still miss it," said another. About the kindest it got
was this: "Dan, you're usually very insightful, but you missed the
point here completely."
I haven't changed my mind, but I do
have some additional thoughts that might help put this in
perspective. I yield to no one in my admiration of Stewart and
The
Daily Show - something
I made crystal clear on Saturday. But that doesn't mean I have to
like what he did on Crossfire. To wit:
1. Stewart picked the wrong
targets. By directly challenging Tucker Carlson and Paul Begala,
the hosts of a tired old show that no one watches, Stewart came off -
as I said earlier - as something of a bully and a bore. That doesn't
mean Stewart has to shut up unless he can wangle an invitation onto
Meet the Press. (And wouldn't it be sweet to see him get in
Tim Russert's face?) It does mean that Stewart would have been better
served by criticizing the mainstream media in general, even to the
point of asking Begala and Carlson whether they agreed with him, and
to join with him. Not that they would have, but so what?
2. Stewart needs to be more
self-aware. By offering serious media criticism, and then
throwing up his hands and saying, in effect, "Hey, I'm just a
comedian" every time Carlson took him on, Stewart came off as
slippery and disingenuous. Sorry, Jon, but you can't interview Bill
Clinton, Richard Clarke, Bill O'Reilly, Bob Dole, etc., etc., and
still say you're just a comedian. The Daily Show is a hybrid,
and a brilliant one at that. Yes, it's funny, but it's also truer
than most real news shows, which is one of the reasons that people
watch it. Stop pretending otherwise.
3. Stewart endangered the
franchise. By stepping out of character the way he did, Stewart
runs the risk of being seen as less of an inspired subversive and
more of an activist with an agenda he's trying to push. In another
context, this would be known as being willing to spend one's
political capital, and I suppose there's something admirable about
it. But his single most important contribution to the culture (sorry
for the pomposity, but I don't think I'm overstating it) is as host
of The Daily Show. If he starts taking himself too seriously,
then he's just another Bill Maher - not a bad thing, but a lot less
unique. We can all see exactly what Stewart and company think of the
mainstream media every night, and they make their point a lot more
effectively than Stewart did last Friday.
4. Stewart became what he
criticized. Everyone's favorite moment was when Stewart called
Carlson "a dick." (For the record, I know Carlson a little, and he's
not a dick, although I'll admit that he often plays one on
television.) Quite a closing for someone who had just spent an entire
interview lamenting the confrontational nature of political talk
shows. Yes, I know, he was also criticizing how stupid and
predictable they are. Well, calling someone "a dick" may not be
predictable, but it's definitely stupid.
Over at Slate, Dana Stevens
loved
Stewart's outburst, calling it a "searing moment of lucidity." Well,
I'll concede that it was that, too. Meanwhile, keep those e-mails
coming.
posted at 1:33 PM |
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Monday, October 18, 2004
THE "L" WORD. It's
not "liberal"! Like most sane observers, I've been puzzled and
disheartened by the apparent success the Bush-Cheney campaign is
having over the issue of John Kerry's mentioning Dick and Lynne
Cheney's lesbian daughter, Mary.
I thought Kerry's invocation of the
Cheneys during last week's debate was awkward and perhaps
unnecessary; John Edwards handled it better in his debate with Dick
Cheney, probably because he was talking to Dad, not
about him. But never would I have dreamed that the Republicans
could score points by referring to Kerry's "cheap and tawdry
political trick," as noted lesbian-romance novelist Lynne Cheney
did last week.
Now Paul Johnson, of 365Gay.com,
reports that the furious Republican response may be have been the
brainchild of M-Che herself. Johnson writes:
Sources close to the
Bush-Cheney campaign tell 365Gay.com that the idea came up in a
telephone call between Mary and her parents immediately after the
presidential debate Wednesday night.
The younger Cheney, who serves
as a backroom advisor to her father, suggested that she would
continue to be a "issue" for Democrats unless something was done
to stop it immediately.
If Johnson is right, then the
temptation is to call this perhaps the ultimate in self-loathing, but
I'm not going to go there. Even though she used to work as the
liaison to the gay-and-lesbian community for Coors, and even though
she has a prominent position in her father's campaign, Mary Cheney is
known to value her privacy. She may have genuinely been getting sick
and tired of hearing the Democrats drop her name every time the issue
of same-sex marriage came up. Still, her parents' rhetoric suggests
they are still not comfortable with their daughter's sexual
orientation.
What's truly weird about this is
that the Cheneys and other Republicans have gotten away with
practically accusing Kerry of outing a openly lesbian adult who is
also a public figure. The Democrats must feel like the Red Sox
getting flogged by the Yankees once again: How do they do it?
Adam Nagourney has an idea
in today's New York Times:
In Mr. Kerry's mind, he
was stating a well-known fact. Ms. Cheney is openly gay, and her
father mentioned it at one of his rallies before the Republican
convention. More significant, calling someone a lesbian in this
era is hardly an insult in Mr. Kerry's mind, his advisers
said.
But to listen to conservative
radio shows, or to talk to voters since the debate, it is clear
that not everyone shares Mr. Kerry's view. Even some Democrats
said that many viewers thought either that Mr. Kerry was outing
Ms. Cheney, or that calling someone a lesbian was a schoolyard
insult, a bit of behavior that was unseemly for a presidential
candidate.
The Incomparable
One agrees,
writing:
Some of you still don't
understand why we've said that this comment was stupid. It was
stupid because John Kerry is running for president, and has to get
people to vote for him. And, however enlightened you may be about
this, the American electorate does not share your outlook. Almost
surely, Kerry is losing votes because of this ill-advised
comment.
In an election as close as this one
is likely to be, any little thing can make a difference. Four years
ago, Al Gore may very well have lost (well, not "lost," but you know
what I mean) because the media falsely and repeatedly quoted him as
saying he had "invented the Internet."
Wouldn't it be something if Kerry
loses because he said the word "lesbian"? Does anyone think it's even
remotely as important as the
deaths of 1101 American
troops in Iraq?
NOT SO SWIFT. Last Friday,
Media Log received intelligence that Ted Koppel had let swift-boat
liar John O'Neill run wild on Nightline the night before. I
did not have a chance to check it out, but Somerby, as usual, has
all
the ugly details.
posted at 11:53 AM |
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Saturday, October 16, 2004
STEWART IN THE CROSSFIRE.
Media Log has received several e-mails urging me to look at Jon
Stewart's getting-more-famous-by-the-minute appearance
on CNN's Crossfire
yesterday, and asking me what I make of it. Frankly, not much. In
taking down hosts Paul Begala and especially Tucker Carlson, Stewart
offered some sharp criticism of the mainstream media and political
discourse - criticisms with which I largely agree. But Stewart seems
not to realize his own place in the modern media
firmament.
Stewart's Daily
Show does enormous
numbers for cable; a recent appearance by Bill Clinton drew a
reported 1.9 million viewers. The crew has a bestselling book,
America
(The Book).
Stewart's on the
cover of Rolling Stone.
By contrast, Crossfire is a dying show based on a dying
paradigm. (At least I'd like to think so, although Fox's detestable
Hannity
& Colmes would seem
to suggest otherwise.) Moved out of its prime-time slot last year,
Crossfire is now seen at 4:30 p.m. by an audience that is
somewhere around 500,000 people - few of them in the prime youth
demographic that watches Stewart.
Despite this power imbalance,
Stewart's attitude during his Crossfire appearance was that he
was the little guy, standing up for what is good and true against the
big, bad mainstream media in the persons of Carlson and Begala. Look
at what he said every time he was challenged:
If you want to compare
your show to a comedy show, you're more than welcome to....
You know, it's interesting to
hear you talk about my responsibility.... I didn't realize that -
and maybe this explains quite a bit ... is that the news
organizations look to Comedy Central for their cues on
integrity....
You're on CNN. The show that
leads into me is puppets making crank phone calls.
Yes, Stewart made some serious
points about the deleterious effect of shouting-head shows such as
Crossfire. But every time Carlson tried to defend himself, he
pulled his Hey-I'm-just-a-comedian shtick. The fact is, it's
Jon Stewart who is the 500-pound gorilla. He's already won. Far from
speaking truth to power, his appearance was akin to the victor coming
in and shooting the wounded.
Look at this
Annenberg Center survey on
how knowledgeable Daily Show viewers are about politics.
The Daily Show may be a comedy program, but it's more
politically savvy than anything else on television, and Stewart's
interviews with political figures are uncommonly insightful and
civilized.
No doubt Stewart thought he was
performing a public service yesterday. The truth is that he does that
every Monday through Thursday at 11 p.m. Yesterday, he was just a
bore and a bully.
posted at 2:41 PM |
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Friday, October 15, 2004
FISH IN A BARREL. As these
quotes suggest, Bill O'Reilly is no hypocrite. The closest I could
come was his hilarious comment about "respect" for one's partner.
Even so, his past utterances on matters of the flesh look pretty damn
entertaining right now, don't they?
Monica Lewinsky is going
to be up there on the stand, if the trial happens, describing
salacious acts. That's going to be cleansing? I'm going to need a
shower after that.
- The O'Reilly Factor, 12/28/98
O'Reilly's prescriptions on sex
are thoroughly modern and in strong contradiction to his strict
Catholic upbringing. One of the book's surprises is the revelation
that he is definitely no social conservative, as most viewers of
his TV show might falsely conclude. Abstinence is "intrustive and
ridiculous ... Use protection. Make dead sure that no one else is
going to be hurt by this encounter. Respect your partner before
and after."
- Dale
Steinreich,
2/2/00
This is not about a bare breast.
If Janet Jackson wants to flash, she can come on over to my office
anytime. I'll leave the door unlocked for you, Janet. Partial
nudity's no big deal except when it is totally out of context and
youngsters are watching. Get it? That's sleazy.
- The
O'Reilly Factor,
2/3/04
The message here is that
American society really doesn't care how anyone behaves and that
some in corporate America will reward tawdry behavior all day
long. Believe me, this situation is not lost on children. They see
Monica scoring in the media, and they know exactly how the play
was made.
- O'Reilly's
syndicated column,
5/3/03
posted at 10:56 AM |
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Thursday, October 14, 2004
ADVICE TO PRESIDENT BUSH. Vigorous hand-washing should be enough, but you might want a tetanus shot just to be sure. And by the way, the New York Daily News account doesn't stint on many of the details. Highly recommended!
posted at 2:01 PM |
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BLACK CAUCUS FOLLOW-UP. Kerry did blow
it on the Congressional Black Caucus, according to this
analysis by FactCheck.org. Some of
this stuff, though, is nitpicking and even a little misleading. For
instance:
- "Kerry wrongly claimed Bush 'hasn't met
with the Black Congressional Caucus.' He garbled the
organization's name, for one thing. It's actually the
Congressional Black Caucus, made up of 39 African-American members
of the House." Well, excuse me!
- "Kerry twice claimed 1.6 million jobs
have been lost under Bush, which is 1 million too high." Actually,
Kerry meant to say that 1.6 million private-sector jobs
have been lost. FactCheck is being accurate but misses the
point.
- "Kerry claimed Bush 'has taken a $5.6
trillion surplus and turned it into deficits as far as the eye can
see.' But the country never actually had a $5.6 trillion surplus.
The projected surplus Kerry was referring to was a 10-year figure
that was already made dubious by a weakening economy and a pent-up
Congressional urge to spend. The largest annual surplus actually
realized was $236 billion in fiscal year 2000, which ended a month
before Bush was elected." This is wrong? Not by my
accounting.
In theory, truth-testing the candidates'
claims is a great idea. In practice, it's surprising what a
subjective exercise it really is.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S PHOENIX.
What's
next for WBUR Radio (90.9
FM)?
posted at 1:45 PM |
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VOTERS TO BUSH: WE'VE SEEN ENOUGH. The third and final presidential debate was the only one in which John Kerry and George W. Bush came across as stylistic and substantive equals. And yet the immediate post-debate polls show that the public believes Kerry beat Bush decisively last night. That might mean that viewers genuinely like what Kerry is saying more than they like Bush's pronouncements. Or it might mean that, nearly four years after they didn't actually elect him president, the voters are sick and tired of Bush. Whatever, it's certainly not good news for Republicans.
Not to rely too heavily on polls (hah!), but Gallup this morning - so recently flogged by liberals for polling samples that seemed to skew Republican - reports that the registered voters it surveyed thought Kerry won last night's debate by a margin of 52 percent to 39 percent. That's nearly as wide a gap as Gallup recorded after the first debate, which was a disaster for Bush.
CBS News's survey of uncommitted voters found that Kerry beat Bush by 39 percent to 25 percent.
ABC News had it 42 percent Kerry, 41 percent Bush; but though I can't find a reference to it on the ABC website this morning, the network reported last night that its sample comprised 38 percent Republicans and 30 percent Democrats, so award Kerry at least another two or three points.
This sounds like a country looking for a new president, does it not? If Kerry can keep running an error-free, forward-looking campaign, then he ought to win this thing. A few days ago even Jay Severin, a right-wing talk-show host on WTKK Radio (96.9 FM), predicted Kerry would win if the final polls show him within a few points of Bush, since undecideds tend to break heavily against the incumbent. Offensive though Severin's rhetoric may be, he does know a few things about politics. Add to that the vigorous voter-registration efforts that Democratic-aligned groups have been conducted in swing states, and it looks like Kerry's got more going for him than Bush does at this point.
You may have noticed that I'm staying away from the debate itself. True! Rhetorically, I thought it was a little flat. There really weren't any lines or attacks or assertions that really stood out as transformative or even particularly interesting. I did think that Kerry was reasonably effective in continually pushing the line that the richest one percent of Americans received $89 billion because of Bush's tax cut last year, while (take your pick) Social Security, after-school programs, and health-care needs go unfunded. Bush seemed especially pathetic on the assault-weapons ban. And he came off as petulant and petty after Kerry observed that two network newscasts had concluded that Bush's critique of Kerry's health plan was "fiction" and "untrue." Said Bush: "In all due respect, I'm not so sure it's credible to quote leading news organizations about - oh, never mind."
As for factual screw-ups, Kerry's pronouncement that Bush had never met with the Congressional Black Caucus turned out not to be true. That strikes me as potentially dangerous, although I'm waiting for further word on a tip I received this morning from Media Log reader W.R. Apparently NPR reported that Bush only met with the CBC after members showed up at the White House uninvited and demanded that he meet with them. So this one could bounce back in Bush's face.
The biggest screw-up of the night, though, goes to Bush. His and Dick Cheney's sloppy rhetoric about Kerry's supposed wimpiness toward terrorism has been a consistent theme of the campaign. In the past few days, and last night, Bush has been ripping Kerry for suggesting that terrorism ought to be approached like organized crime and brought down to a manageable level - never mind that that sounds rather like Bush's remarks to Matt Lauer a few months ago, in which he said it may not be possible actually to "win" the war against terrorism.
Well, last night Kerry criticized Bush for once having minimized the threat posed by Osama bin Laden - and Bush, falsely, denied it. I'll let Slate's Chris Suellentrop pick up the play-by-play:
Just as it took Al Gore three debates to settle on the right tone during
the 2000 campaign, President Bush figured out in his third face-off with John
Kerry how to be neither too hot nor too cold. But Kerry was as good as he can
be, too, and more important, what good the president did with his performance
will be overshadowed Thursday when the TV networks spend the entire day running video clips of him saying of Osama Bin Laden on March 13, 2002, "I truly am not
that concerned about him."
By denying that he had ever minimized the threat posed by Bin Laden,
Bush handed Kerry, during the very first question, the victory in the
post-debate spin. The Kerry campaign's critique of the president is that he has
doesn't tell the truth, that he won't admit mistakes, and that he refuses to
acknowledge reality. Bush's answer played into all three claims.
This morning, at least, I'd rather be Bob Shrum than Karl Rove.
posted at 7:05 AM |
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Wednesday, October 13, 2004
OH. MY. GOD. Just for the record, Media Log has absolutely no opinion as to the truthfulness of this sexual-harassment complaint filed against Fox News loudmouth Bill O'Reilly. But the Smoking Gun, which has got the whole thing posted, understates matters by calling it merely "an incredible page-turner."
I am also intrigued by the Gun's speculation that "[b]ased on the extensive quotations cited in the complaint, it appears a safe bet that [Andrea] Mackris, 33, recorded some of O'Reilly's more steamy soliloquies." Well, if there's a God in heaven, she did. Let's be cautious, though - according to this AP account, O'Reilly's trying to get Mackris to turn over whatever tapes she has. Of course, that could be just typical O'Reilly bravado.
By all means read the whole thing. Meanwhile, I think I'll try to catching the opening minutes of The Factor tonight.
posted at 7:17 PM |
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WBUR NAMES INTERIM GM. Two days before
WBUR Radio general manager Jane Christo officially leaves, Boston
University has announced that Peter Fiedler - the son of the late
Boston Pops conductor Arthur Fiedler - will replace her on an interim
basis. The text of the announcement is as follows:
BOSTON - Boston University today
announced that Peter Fiedler will be the interim general manager
of WBUR-FM. Fiedler met with station managers today and will begin
work immediately.
"Sitting down with staff members will be
my top priority," said Fiedler, who will oversee the day-to-day
operations of the station during the search for a permanent
general manager. "I want to hear from employees at all levels of
the operation as we work on strengthening one of the top public
radio stations in the country."
Fiedler began his 25-year media career in
television production at WCVB-TV, the ABC affiliate in Boston,
where he held a variety of positions including unit manager and
field producer/director. He provided creative production and
direction to an interactive video startup in 1984. He then became
Vice President and General Manager for Target Productions and then
served as Director of Operations for Channel 68 in Boston. Fiedler
currently oversees sports broadcasting, media services,
publications and the classroom upgrade technology program as an
assistant vice president at Boston University.
Fiedler, who lives with his wife and three
children in Boxford, is the son of legendary Boston Pops Conductor
Arthur Fiedler and remains actively involved in the annual 4th of
July concert on the Esplanade.
The two most significant pieces of news here,
I think, are that (1) Fiedler was named so quickly (in an interview
with the Phoenix this week, for an item that will be published
tomorrow, BU spokeswoman Nancy Sterling suggested the interim GM
might not be named until next week); and (2) Christo will be replaced
not by one of her own underlings, but rather by someone with
significant broadcast experience who's now in an executive position
at BU.
The Channel 68 background is interesting as
well. During the 1990s, BU acquired the station and attempted to turn
it into a news-and-public-affairs channel. You might say the
university tried to emulate what Christo had accomplished at WBUR and
failed (the station is now owned by the family-friendly PAX chain),
although that would be unfair, since Channel 68 had nothing like
National Public Radio to rely on for a good share of its
programming.
Among the folks who passed through Channel 68
were Charles
Adler, now a talk-shot host at CJOB
Radio, in Winnipeg, as well as two hosts who moved on to prominent
slots at WBUR: Ted
O'Brien (now at BU) and
Delores
Handy-Brown.
posted at 4:35 PM |
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EVIL AND TRAGEDY IN IRAQ. One of the
reasons I'm sympathetic to John Kerry is that his agonized stance on
the war in Iraq reflects my own. By no means have I always agreed
with him. I thought he should have voted against giving George W. Bush the authority to go to war, but for the $87 billion in
reconstruction money for Iraq and Afghanistan. Still, I agree with
his fundamental stance that we needed to work closely with the
international community in order to get rid of Saddam Hussein, truly
one of the most evil people on the planet.
That's why Bush's swaggering, unilateral
invasion of Iraq was such a tragedy. The goal shouldn't have been to
deprive Saddam of his non-existent weapons of mass destruction. As
Kerry and numerous others have argued, if the UN weapons inspectors
had been allowed to do their jobs, it would eventually have become
clear that Saddam didn't have any. Rather, what was needed was some
sort of intervention to stop what was an ongoing human-rights
catastrophe.
Perhaps a US-backed coup would have done the
trick, although Bill Clinton supposedly pushed for that during his
presidency and wasn't able to penetrate Saddam's inner sanctum.
Perhaps the world community could have been persuaded to drive Saddam
out of power - a dubious proposition, I'll acknowledge, given that
some of our would-be allies, including the French, were on the take,
as New York Times columnist William Safire explains
today.
Regardless, Bush's policies have left us with
the worst of all possible worlds. Yes, Saddam is gone, but Iraq is in
chaos, on the brink of civil war, with its people in far more danger
than they were when the dictator was in power.
Yet, every so often, we're reminded of the
horrors of Saddam's Iraq. Today the Boston Globe's Thanassis
Cambanis - who has managed to find a way to do courageous,
enterprising reporting from Iraq despite the dangers - has
a
gut-wrenching piece on a mass grave
being excavated in the Kurdish area of northern Iraq. The excavation
is taking place to amass evidence to be used against Saddam when he
is put on trial. This passage tells you everything you need to know
about Saddam Hussein:
At the end of the process, the team
will produce evidence packets for each individual case in the form
of slide presentations. Kehoe showed some of the slides:
One series showed a boy, first in the
grave holding a red-and-white-striped ball, then his skeleton and
clothes laid out in order.
Another showed a mother and her infant
son. The mother's severed hand was found in her child's blanket
with the baby's skeleton. The forensic pictures show his T-shirt,
which bears the legend "Summer," and the mother's five pairs of
gold earrings.
What should we have done? I don't know. I
don't think Kerry knows, either. What's clear is that we shouldn't
have done what Bush did. An evil dictator today sits in prison. But
the Iraqi people are less safe than they were before the war, and so
are we.
Kerry has acknowledged repeatedly that we
can't possible pull out now. If we did, Iraq would complete its
transformation into a haven for terrorists. All we can do is keep
fighting and hope for the best.
ME UPON MY PONY ON MY BOAT. I did not
immediately appreciate the loathsomeness quotient of Irene Sege's
Globe profile yesterday of former network news personality
Jane
Clayson Johnson. But after my fellow
Phoenicians started screaming about it, I took a closer
look.
I'll skip the full analysis, but do check out
this passage on Johnson's decision to give up her career in order to
become a full-time mother:
Over and over, Johnson says she
respects whatever path mothers take. "I want to talk about my
choice," she says, "and not make judgments about other people."
She recognizes that she has more financial means than most. "I'm
very aware and very respectful of single moms out there who are
working two and three jobs to make ends meet. I respect what
they're doing. I put enough money away where I could make this
decision. I understand that. And I have a husband who makes a good
living." What about married mothers who work outside the home?
"I don't know," she says. "Sometimes there are two incomes and
maybe it would be important for the kids to have a parent at home.
Sometimes to forego a new car or a boat or some sort of
luxury, and maybe live in a more modest fashion so you're not
sacrificing at home, is an important thing."
And kudos to whoever wrote what I assume
(hope?) was the deliberately sly headline, "Focus on the Family."
Dr.
Dobson would be pleased.
WE DO IT ALL FOR YOU! Outsiders may
assume that it's nothing but craft-brewed beer and mushroom pizza
with extra cheese here at Media Log Central. In fact, our duties
sometimes weigh heavily upon us. Such will it be tonight, when I'll
be watching the third debate between Kerry and Bush rather than the
Red Sox-Yankees playoff game. Although I imagine I'll steal a few
glances at the game.
Kerry's got work to do. According to
this
roundup of state-by-state polls, he
now trails Bush in the Electoral College by a margin of 291 to 228.
That's a turnaround from just a few days ago, when Kerry, if I recall
correctly, had 270 electoral votes.
Your pre-debate assignment for today is to
read this
Salon piece on whether Bush
was wired for sound in the first two debates. I have no idea what to
make of this story. But that's no ordinary bulge, is it?
posted at 10:04 AM |
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Tuesday, October 12, 2004
A SMALL MATTER OF FREE SPEECH. Sinclair Broadcast Group's decision to order 62 of its television stations to air a vicious anti-Kerry "documentary" in the closing weeks of the campaign is loathsome, of course. But what I find fascinating is the ease with which Democrats and liberals are ready to trample over the First Amendment in order to keep Stolen Honor off the air.
This morning, I heard syndicated progressive talk-show host Stephanie Miller ask rhetorically, "That can't be legal, can it?" The Democrats are moving on two fronts. The Democratic National Committee plans to file a complaint with the Federal Election Commission, charging that the broadcast amounts to an illegal in-kind campaign contribution to Bush-Cheney. And 18 Democratic senators will ask the Federal Communications Commission whether broadcasting Stolen Honor just before the election amounts to an improper use of the public airwaves.
So much for freedom of speech, eh?
Now, granted, there are all kinds of ironies and hypocrisies involved here. Last night, on CNN, Washington Post media reporter Howard Kurtz observed how outraged conservatives would be if any of the broadcast or cable networks had decided to show Fahrenheit 9/11. By contrast, the Sinclair story isn't getting much attention. CNN anchor Aaron Brown looked as though he had accidentally swallowed a cockroach as he interviewed Sinclair's unctuously disingenuous spokesman, Mark Hyman. As well he should have. What Sinclair is doing is sleazy political gamesmanship.
But in a perfect world, there would be nothing wrong with what Sinclair is doing, at least not from a constitutional, legal, or regulatory point of view. Then again, in a perfect world, Sinclair would not own 62 television stations. It might own a handful in different parts of the country. And other media companies would face the same ownership restrictions.
If 62 independent television-station owners decided to show Stolen Honor - or Fahrenheit 9/11, for that matter - well, what of it? It's the magnifying effect of huge media conglomerates that's the concern here. One decision in one corporate suite, made by executives who've given money to the Bush campaign and who depend on the regulatory favors of the Bush-appointed FCC, and anti-Kerry hate propaganda is broadcast from coast to coast.
In the current monopoly environment, it's hard to disagree with the Democrats. Still, shouldn't we be just a little uncomfortable with the notion of demanding that the government censor (and censure) speech that we don't like?
The title of Nat Hentoff's 1992 book, Free Speech for Me, but Not for Thee, says it all.
COMPUTER WOES CONTINUE. For the third and what I hope will be the final time in less that three months, I am without the official Media Log iBook. This time, the problem is the internal Airport (i.e., WiFi) antenna, which is apparently disconnected or frayed. Blogging will be affected, but not too much - I hope.
posted at 10:21 AM |
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Monday, October 11, 2004
TERRORISM, CHEEZ WHIZ, AND THE
VIRTUES OF NUANCE. Matt Bai has an excellent analysis of
John
Kerry's anti-terrorism policy
in the current New York Times Magazine. But perhaps what's
most fascinating about it is Bai's sense (he doesn't have much in the
way of hard evidence, but I suspect he's right) that Kerry himself is
wary of talking much about it for fear of being further labeled as a
weak-willed - yes, you guessed it - flip-flopper.
Such is the state of the political
dialogue these days. The Republicans put out the word that Kerry is a
weathervane, the media pick up on it, and, finally, the candidate
himself is stuck with slogans that he probably doesn't fully accept
(such as the "war" on terror) for fear of being misunderstood and
lampooned.
Based on the very directly stated
views of Kerry's likely secretary of state, Richard Holbrooke ("We're
not in a war on terror, in the literal sense. The war on terror is
like saying 'the war on poverty.' It's just a metaphor. What we're
really talking about is winning the ideological struggle so that
people stop turning themselves into suicide bombers.") and on Kerry's
own lengthy, if indirect, comments, Bai deduces that Kerry's
principal weapon against Al Qaeda will be the sort of international
policing efforts he's been talking about for years, long before 9/11.
Bai writes:
Kerry's view, that the
21st century will be defined by the organized world's struggle
against agents of chaos and lawlessness, might be the beginning of
a compelling vision. The idea that America and its allies, sharing
resources and using the latest technologies, could track the
movements of terrorists, seize their bank accounts and carry out
targeted military strikes to eliminate them, seems more optimistic
and more practical than the notion that the conventional armies of
the United States will inevitably have to punish or even invade
every Islamic country that might abet radicalism.
And yet, you can understand why
Kerry has been so tentative in advancing this idea. It's
comforting to think that Al Qaeda might be as easily marginalized
as a bunch of drug-running thugs, that an "effective" assault on
its bank accounts might cripple its twisted campaign against
Americans. But Americans are frightened - an emotion that has
benefited Bush, and one that he has done little to dissuade - and
many of them perceive a far more existential threat to their lives
than the one Kerry describes. In this climate, Kerry's rather dry
recitations about money-laundering laws and intelligence-sharing
agreements can sound oddly discordant. We are living at a time
that feels historically consequential, where people seem to expect
- and perhaps deserve - a theory of the world that matches the
scope of their insecurity.
Theoretically, Kerry could still
find a way to wrap his ideas into some bold and cohesive construct
for the next half-century - a Kerry Doctrine, perhaps, or a
campaign against chaos, rather than a war on terror - that people
will understand and relate to. But he has always been a man who
prides himself on appreciating the subtleties of public policy,
and everything in his experience has conditioned him to avoid
unsubtle constructs and grand designs. His aversion to Big Think
has resulted in one of the campaign's oddities: it is Bush, the
man vilified by liberals as intellectually vapid, who has emerged
as the de facto visionary in the campaign, trying to impose some
long-term thematic order on a dangerous and disorderly world,
while Kerry carves the globe into a series of discrete problems
with specific solutions.
For a better understanding of the
intellectually impoverished landscape on which this campaign is being
fought, have a look at Jonathan
Chait's cover story (sub.
req.) in the current New Republic. Chait observes that Kerry
is hardly unique in being labeled a "flip-flopper" - that the
Republicans also used it to considerable effect against Bill Clinton
in 1992 (and, to a lesser extent, in '96) and against Al Gore in
2000.
Chait argues that the
"flip-flopper" label is a natural consequence of Clinton's having
taken some of the Republicans' favorite issues off the table, such as
welfare reform, taxes, the military, and crime. All the Republicans
really had left at that point was to claim that Clinton/Gore/Kerry
have switched so profoundly on the issues that they don't have the
character to be president. Yet as Chait notes, the notion that Kerry
has flip-flopped more than George W. Bush has is absurd. Bush has
been for and against abortion rights, for and against a Department of
Homeland Security, for and against the formation of the 9/11
Commission, even for and against letting national-security adviser
Condoleezza Rice testify before Congress. Chait writes:
The alleged character
flaws of whomever the Democrats nominate for president change from
election to election. But the charge of flip-flopping always plays
a central role for a very important reason: It's the natural parry
to the Democrats' post-Clinton centrism. The moderation that has
characterized the Democratic Party since Clinton has the natural
advantage of avoiding unpopular stances. It also has two
disadvantages. First, as the party has shifted right, it has
forced Democrats in its mainstream to shift along with it. (Hence
Kerry's flip-flop on the death penalty.)
Second, New Democrat-style
centrism saddles its adherents with positions that straddle the
political divide. Kerry supported developing missile defense but
not deploying it immediately; he supported NAFTA, which had labor
and environmental provisions, but opposed a trade bill that did
not. When your position on many issues is "neither too much nor
too little," you can appear inconsistent even if you're not. Sure,
it doesn't help that Kerry has trouble explaining himself. But
even a gifted communicator like Clinton, remember, was widely seen
as a waffler.
So why does the label stick to
Democrats but not Republicans? Chait argues that it's got a lot to do
with the Republicans' superior skills at media manipulation - at
establishing a narrative for which the press, ever hungry for
perceived character flaws, is all too eager to fill in the details.
Chait revisits Kerry's encounter with Cheez Whiz to illuminating
effect, noting how much more that seemed to resonate than did another
incident in which Bush got peeved at an underling for eating his
peanut-butter-and-jelly sandwich.
"One reason stories about Bush's
elitism don't receive the same attention as stories about Kerry's
elitism is that the model for the latter is far better entrenched,"
Chait writes. "This simply reflects one of the most tiresome habits
of the political media. Once a narrative template has been
established, nearly any fact can be wedged into it."
As Chait further observes, this is
a pretty pathetic way to choose a president.
posted at 1:37 PM |
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Saturday, October 09, 2004
KERRY'S MISSED OPPORTUNITIES. David
Ortiz saved
me from a terrible dilemma last
night. If the Red Sox-Angels game had gone past 9 p.m., I'm not sure
what I would have done when the opening bell sounded for the second
presidential debate.
This morning, I still don't have a
particularly clear handle on what happened. On substance, I thought
John Kerry did far better than George W. Bush, just as he did in the
first debate. It wasn't just because I agreed with Kerry more often,
but because he offered clear, fact-filled explanations as opposed to
the campaign slogans that Bush likes to bark out. On the other hand,
there's no question that Bush was more energized and better prepared
than he had been in their first encounter. By being able to interact
with a crowd, the president was able to come off as more engaged than
he had been in the formal setting of a week earlier. Plus, he kept
the smirk under control.
My frustration is that I thought
Kerry missed a lot of opportunities to counter some of Bush's more
ridiculous claims. Unlike John Edwards, who was a master of looping
back, answering Dick Cheney's accusations, and then returning to the
question at hand, Kerry took too many strikes on pitches he should
have been able to hit. (Sorry. I'm still thinking about the Red
Sox.)
Perhaps the weirdest, if not necessarily the
most serious, example of this came when Kerry attempted to refute
Bush's notion that Kerry's proposal to raise taxes on Americans
earning above $200,000 will harm small businesses:
KERRY: Ladies and gentlemen, that's
just not true what he said. The Wall Street Journal said 96
percent of small businesses are not affected at all by my
plan.
And you know why he gets that count? The
president got $84 from a timber company that owns, and he's
counted as a small business. Dick Cheney's counted as a small
business. That's how they do things. That's just not
right.
Now, Kerry's delivery and syntax in this
instance were terrible. Maybe I'm unusually dense, but I couldn't
tell whether Kerry actually meant that Bush had invested in a timber
company, or was instead offering some sort of hypothetical using Bush
as a theoretical example. I decided it must be latter upon hearing
Bush's rebuttal:
BUSH: I own a timber company?
[Laughter]
That's news to me.
[Laughter]
Need some wood?
Worse, Kerry just sat there on his stool,
grinning, and never returned to the subject. Granted, it was a small
matter, but it was Kerry who raised it, and Bush had left him looking
like an idiot. Yet as we learned as soon as the debate was over, it was Bush who should have looked like an idiot, for denying
something that was clearly true. On ABC News, Jake Tapper noted that
Bush had, in fact, reported $84 in income one year from a timber
company. Here
are the details. It was a minuscule
point by Kerry, inartfully made, but Kerry should have at least made
it clear to everyone that he knew what he was talking
about.
And by the way, will the fact-checkers please
get off Kerry's back over the retirement of General Eric Shinseki in
2003? Here is what Kerry said last night:
KERRY: General Shinseki, the Army
chief of staff, told him he was going to need several hundred
thousand [troops]. And guess what? They retired General
Shinseki for telling him that. This president hasn't
listened.
Here is what CNN's
fact-checkers (among others,
including Tapper) said:
Kerry implies that Shinseki was
forced to retire as a result of his comments about troop levels in
Iraq, which is inaccurate. Shinseki served a full four-year term
as Army chief of staff, and did not retire early. Since World War
II, no Army chief of staff has served longer than four
years.
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld decided
in April 2002 on who he would tap to succeed Shinseki, according
to a Pentagon official, long before Shinseki's troop level
comments in 2003. So by the time Shinseki made his comments on
troop levels, it was already known that he would not remain in his
post beyond his full four-year term. The Bush administration may
not have been fond of Shinseki, who was appointed to his post by
President Clinton, but it is inaccurate to say that he was forced
to retire because of his comments on troop levels in
Iraq.
That is true, and yes, Kerry should find a
way to make his point more accurately if he is going to keep
returning to the matter of General Shinseki. But CNN only hints at
the extent of the how deeply Shinseki and Rumsfeld clashed. For
instance, here is the top of a Washington Post story from
October 2002 on the reasons for Shinseki's retirement:
The biggest battle facing Donald
Rumsfeld is with the Army, the nation's largest military service,
which effectively has gone into opposition against the secretary
of defense.
Among all the services, the Army, for
institutional and historical reasons, is most skeptical of
Rumsfeld's drive to move the military into the information age.
Rumsfeld has complained that the Army is too resistant to change;
Army officers claim Rumsfeld doesn't sufficiently appreciate the
value of large, armored conventional ground forces.
"Does he really hate the Army?" asked one
Army officer, obviously pained by the question. "I don't
know."
The relationship, never close, hit the
rocks when Rumsfeld let it be known in April that he had decided
to name Gen. John Keane, the Army's vice chief of staff, as its
next chief, 15 months before its current chief, Gen. Eric
Shinseki, was scheduled to retire.
This immediately made Shinseki a lame
duck and undercut his ambitious "transformation" agenda, which he
had set forth in late 1999.
"I do feel that this secretaryship has
been very hard on this chief and has undermined his ability to
bring about the kind of transformation that Shinseki envisioned,"
said Rep. Jerry Lewis, R-Calif., chairman of the House
Appropriations Committee's defense subcommittee.
And here's the top of a USA Today
story from June 2003:
The former civilian head of the Army
said Monday it is time for the Pentagon to admit that the military
is in for a long occupation of Iraq that will require a major
commitment of American troops.
Former Army secretary Thomas White said in
an interview that senior Defense officials "are unwilling to come
to grips" with the scale of the postwar U.S. obligation in Iraq.
The Pentagon has about 150,000 troops in Iraq and recently
announced that the Army's 3rd Infantry Division's stay there has
been extended indefinitely.
"This is not what they were selling
[before the war]," White said, describing how senior
Defense officials downplayed the need for a large occupation
force. "It's almost a question of people not wanting to 'fess up
to the notion that we will be there a long time and they might
have to set up a rotation and sustain it for the long
term."
The interview was White's first since
leaving the Pentagon in May after a series of public feuds with
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld led to his firing.
Rumsfeld and Deputy Defense Secretary
Paul Wolfowitz criticized the Army's chief of staff, Gen. Eric
Shinseki, after Shinseki told Congress in February that the
occupation could require "several hundred thousand troops."
Wolfowitz called Shinseki's estimate "wildly off the
mark."
Rumsfeld was furious with White when
the Army secretary agreed with Shinseki.
So if Kerry wants to be more accurate, all he
needs to do is use White rather than Shinseki as an example of a top
military official who was fired for publicly disagreeing with the
Bush administration's low-ball estimates on the number of troops that
would be needed to maintain order in Iraq. Alternately, Kerry could
portray Shinseki as a hero who was forced to retire for having the
temerity to stand up to Rumsfeld, and who then became one of the most
outspoken critics of the White House's troop-strength
estimates.
And since Kerry's point is essentially
correct, the media fact-checkers ought to explain the context even as
they tut-tut Kerry for not being 100 percent accurate.
Finally, since everyone else is doing it,
allow me to indulge in a little cheap armchair psychoanalysis. I was
really struck by how Bush answered a question about the Patriot Act.
Audience member Rob Fowler asked, "With expansions to the Patriot Act
and Patriot Act II, my question to you is, why are my rights being
watered down and my citizens' around me? And what are the specific
justifications for these reforms?" Here is how Bush
replied.
BUSH: I appreciate that.
I really don't think your rights are
being watered down. As a matter of fact, I wouldn't support it if
I thought that.
Every action being taken against
terrorists requires court order, requires scrutiny.
As a matter of fact, the tools now given
to the terrorist fighters are the same tools that we've been using
against drug dealers and white-collar criminals.
So I really don't think so. I hope you
don't think that. I mean, I -- because I think whoever is the
president must guard your liberties, must not erode your rights in
America.
The Patriot Act is necessary, for example,
because parts of the FBI couldn't talk to each other. The
intelligence-gathering and the law-enforcement arms of the FBI
just couldn't share intelligence under the old law. And that
didn't make any sense.
Our law enforcement must have every tool
necessary to find and disrupt terrorists at home and abroad before
they hurt us again. That's the task of the 21st
century.
And so, I don't think the Patriot Act
abridges your rights at all.
And I know it's necessary. I can remember
being in upstate New York talking to FBI agents that helped bust a
Lackawanna cell up there. And they told me they could not have
performed their duty, the duty we all expect of them, if they did
not have the ability to communicate with each other under the
Patriot Act.
Now, there are some factual quibbles I could
offer here. The Lackawanna case has been widely criticized as
government overkill, and Bush is being disingenuous when he says that
"[e]very action being taken against terrorists requires court
order." In fact, the Patriot Act allows agents to obtain subpoenas in
terrorist cases - which are very broadly defined - from so-called
FISA judges, whose discretion over whether to grant those subpoenas
is far more limited than in normal criminal cases. Moreover, under
the Patriot Act, someone served with a subpoena - say, a librarian or
bookstore owner told to turn over a patron's records - may not
challenge the search or even tell anyone about it.
But what really struck me about Bush's answer
was the narcissism he displayed: You don't have to worry about the
Patriot Act because I don't feel that it abridges your rights;
because I wouldn't have signed it if I thought it did; because I, the
president, would never allow that to happen. This is
personalizing policy to a truly uncomfortable degree, and it's the
subject of an
excellent cover piece (sub. req.) in
last week's New Republic by Noam Scheiber.
Scheiber's argument is that Bush isn't so
much ideologically driven as he is motivated by a deep-seated need to
see himself as the hero of his own narrative. Since he has surrounded
himself with right-wing advisers, he has become a right-winger by
going along with their narrative. Scheiber writes:
Conventional wisdom holds that the
president is a conservative hard-liner bent on upending the Middle
East and the U.S. tax code. But, while those may be the practical
implications of the decisions he's made as president, the way
George W. Bush makes sense of the world isn't through ideology.
It's through narrative. Bush has always been a sucker for a good
storyline - and never more so than when it involves him. In his
own mind, Bush is the central figure in an ever-unfolding series
of dramas. As such, Bush prides himself on possessing the
qualities of a hero: compassion and justness on the one hand;
boldness, principle, and resolution on the other. Bush almost
always supports policies that appear to reinforce this image of
himself; he opposes policies that appear to contradict it.
Make of this what you will, but I think
Scheiber's on to something: this is followership disguised as
leadership.
posted at 10:18 AM |
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Friday, October 08, 2004
WBUR MAKES IT
OFFICIAL. The station just e-mailed the following press release
on the departure of general manager Jane Christo (click here for earlier item and links):
WBUR
General Manager Jane Christo Announces Resignation
BOSTON - Jane
Christo announced today that she is leaving her post as General
Manager of WBUR effective October 15, 2004. Ms. Christo informed
the staff of WBUR of her decision during a meeting held earlier in
the day.
"I am eternally
grateful to the listeners, corporate and individual contributors,
the staff of WBUR, and Boston University for the opportunity to
have been part of building something very special over the past 25
years. However, the present controversy regarding my leadership of
WBUR has become too large a distraction. I have decided to step
aside so that the focus of the staff and management at WBUR can be
returned to providing our listeners with the very best in public
radio news programming. I am extremely proud of the significant
contribution that WBUR has made to public radio here in New
England and nationally. I am confident that when concluded, the
internal investigation will show that the allegations of improper
conduct against me are baseless," said Jane Christo.
Jane Christo
served as General Manager from January of 1979. The WBUR Group
operates and manages a total of four public radio stations in
Massachusetts and Rhode Island: 90.9 WBUR-FM in Boston, 1240
WBUR-AM in West Yarmouth (MA), 1290 WRNI-AM in Providence (RI),
and 1230 WXNI in Westerly (RI). WBUR consistently rates among the
top ten stations, commercial and non-commercial, in the Boston
metropolitan market.
posted at 1:55 PM |
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CHRISTO OUT AT WBUR. WBUR
Radio (90.9 FM) will announce later today that its embattled general
manager, Jane Christo, will resign from the post she has held since
1979, Media Log has learned. Christo reportedly made her intentions
known to senior managers at the station this morning. Her actual
departure date is not yet known.
The Boston Herald presaged
her departure in a piece
today by Greg Gatlin, who wrote that "speculation was growing among
station insiders that she may resign as soon as this
weekend."
Christo's resignation shows how
dramatically her position has deteriorated since last Friday, when
Boston University - which holds the license for the much-admired
public-radio powerhouse - announced that it was investigating
accusations of mismanagement and nepotism. As late as Tuesday, as I
was approaching deadline for this
Boston Phoenix article,
well-informed sources were suggesting that Christo's job was probably
safe until BU wrapped up its probe, which was expected to take two
weeks.
Still, I also heard suggestions
that BU would be wise to nip what had become a public-relations
nightmare in the bud as quickly as possible, and not wait while the
station continued to lose confidence with donors and corporate
underwriters. As for whether that's what finally happened, or if
Christo decided she'd had enough, it's impossible to say right now. The circumstances of her pending resignation point to its
being voluntary.
Christo had long presided over WBUR
with a mixture of fear and secrecy. She built the station into among
the most important and influential in the country, offering five
hours a day of locally produced (if not exactly local) news
programming in addition to shows from National Public Radio and the
BBC World Service. But her treatment of the station as though it were
her personal realm, combined with a brutal management style and her
precipitous firing of good people for the slightest of reasons,
earned her a long and influential list of enemies.
Meanwhile, it appears that there is
little likelihood of WGBH's swooping to the rescue over the mess that
Christo left behind in Rhode Island. Recently Christo announced that
WBUR would sell WRNI (AM 1290) in Providence, as well as a sister
station in Westerly, stunning the community and walking away from a
$2.4 million investment it had made just six years ago.
At the behest of Rhode Island
officials, BU put the sale on hold pending the review of documents
pertaining to WBUR's internal operations, which include reports of
millions of dollars in losses at both 'BUR and 'RNI over a period of
several years.
Today the Providence Journal
reported
that, though WGBH might want to form some sort of partnership with
those seeking to keep WRNI as a public-broadcasting outlet, it would
not purchase the two stations outright.
Nevertheless, Christo's departure
has still got to be considered good news for Rhode Island. Earlier
this week Gene Mihaly, president of the Foundation for Ocean State
Public Radio, told me he believed the stations could have become
solvent if it had not been for 'BUR's profligate spending. Maybe BU
will now choose to keep the stations.
posted at 1:41 PM |
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Thursday, October 07, 2004
EVERYTHING IS BROKEN. Paging
through the headlines this morning, it struck me that, as never
before, everything is falling apart for George W. Bush, and it's
happening in a very ugly, public way. That doesn't mean he's going to
lose - he should, of course, although we all know that's not how
things necessarily work. But it seems that all at once, nearly four
years of lies, exaggerations, and bullying are finally catching up
with him.
Just look around. His chief weapons
inspector, Charles Duelfer, now acknowledges
that Saddam Hussein had dismantled his WMD programs in the early
1990s. Loyalist that he is, Duelfer prattled on yesterday about how
Saddam really, really wanted weapons of mass destruction, as though
that were something we didn't know. Guess what? So does Burma, I'm
sure.
Earlier this week, as we know,
Bush's former guy in Iraq, Paul Bremer, said in a speech that the
White House had never sent enough troops to Iraq to keep the peace.
Again, this is another Bush loyalist, a man who immediately tried to
distance himself from his own remarks as soon as he realized they
were not off the record, as he had presumed. Looks like he can forget
about being secretary
of state if Bush is elected
to a second term.
Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld has been spinning
all week to dissociate
himself from remarks that he'd seen no "strong, hard evidence" that
Saddam Hussein had ties to Al Qaeda. Again, as with Duelfer and
Bremer: not a critic, but rather someone so loyal to Bush that he's
clearly mortified over his momentary outburst of candor.
At Tuesday night's vice-presidential
debate, moderator Gwen
Ifill asked John Edwards if Saddam would still be in power if he and
John Kerry had been in office. Edwards, sensing trouble, evaded the
question. That was probably smart.
But Edwards certainly wouldn't have
harmed himself with Media Log if he had spelled out explicitly the
clear implications of Kerry's approach to Iraq:
You know, Gwen, maybe
Saddam would be still in power. At the time that Bush went to war
with Iraq, there were UN weapons inspectors on the ground, and
Saddam was boxed in by economic sanctions and no-fly zones in the
north and south of his country. If the inspectors had found
weapons, or had presented convincing evidence that Saddam was
trying to hide something, then I'm confident we could have built a
real alliance and gone to war to overthrow him. But if not, then
yes, Saddam Hussein would probably still be in power today. What
of it?
An impolitic answer? Sure. But 1066
Americans would still be alive today (this
count is as of Tuesday),
not to mention other coalition forces and many thousands of Iraqis.
And the United States would be not one bit less safe.
Meanwhile, Bush is getting
desperate. Read how the
White House hoodwinked CNN
and MSNBC into televising his latest attack speech yesterday, under
the guise of its being a major presidential address.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. The latest
on WBUR Radio (90.9 FM) and
its embattled general manager, Jane Christo, whose possible departure
is now the subject of speculation. Also, unpacking those pro-Bush
Gallup polls, and liberal radio comes (almost) to Boston.
posted at 9:35 AM |
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Wednesday, October 06, 2004
EDWARDS TRIUMPHANT.
Stylistically, I thought last night's vice-presidential
debate between Dick Cheney
and John Edwards ended in a tie. Cheney's matter-of-fact, business-like
demeanor and Edwards's lawyerly approach were both effective.
Following last Thursday's presidential debate, we now know that the
only person on either national ticket who can't form a coherent
thought is George W. Bush.
But style alone is not enough.
Overall, I thought Edwards did far more to help himself - and John
Kerry - than Cheney was able to accomplish for the Republican ticket.
Here's why.
1. Edwards had more to
prove. The North Carolina senator is not a well-known figure in
national political circles. The undecided voters who tuned in
probably barely knew who Edwards was. What they saw was not the
grinning Ken doll of the Democratic primaries, but an engaging,
engaged, smart, sharp person of sufficient gravitas and experience to
make a plausible vice-president. For that matter, he came off as a
far more plausible president than Bush did four years
ago.
2. Perceptions of Cheney remain
unchanged. Public-opinion polls have showed Cheney to be the most
unpopular member of the Bush administration. In this
new ABC News/Washington Post poll, for instance, Cheney's
favorability rating is 44 percent, and his unfavorability rating is
43 percent. Cheney did nothing to overcome his Dark Lord image last
night, coming across as deeply negative, and often sneering at
Edwards with such leering contempt that you almost expected to see
blood dripping from his fangs. As William Saletan observes
in Slate, "Though Edwards was delivering the harsher blows,
Cheney looked meaner."
3. Edwards treated the stage
like a courtroom. You may have heard that Edwards was a trial
lawyer before he entered politics. The Republicans like to point that
out often enough, repeating the phrase "trial lawyer" as though it
was akin to "male prostitute." Last night, we got to see why Edwards
was so successful. Unlike Cheney, Edwards repeatedly used his time to
answer earlier accusations from Cheney, but he was always careful
to veer back to moderator Gwen Ifill's question. He used the clock
more effectively, too. Cheney, for instance, took advantage of a
30-second rebuttal to refute Edwards's charges about Halliburton.
Edwards then used his 30 seconds simply to repeat the
charges:
These are the
facts.
The facts are the
vice-president's company that he was CEO of, that did business
with sworn enemies of the United States, paid millions of dollars
in fines for providing false financial information, it's under
investigation for bribing foreign officials.
The same company that got a $7.5
billion no-bid contract, the rule is that part of their money is
supposed to be withheld when they're under investigation, as they
are now, for having overcharged the American taxpayer, but they're
getting every dime of their money.
I'm happy to let voters make
their own decision about this.
What was so impressive about this
from a tactical point of view was that Edwards knew Cheney wouldn't
have a chance to rebut this. Edwards knew that the next question
would go to him, and that after that the debate would turn to
domestic issues. Edwards showed that Kerry may be a better pure
debater, but that he's the better lawyer.
4. Cheney lied - and got
caught. Cheney lied about little things, and he lied about big
things. We've become accustomed to that, of course, but this isn't
September 2003, when he made a fool of Tim Russert by telling him he
was no longer on Halliburton's payroll - a flat-out falsehood. This
time, everyone is watching.
A little lie: Cheney told Edwards
that even though he, as vice-president, is the presiding officer of
the Senate, last night's debate was the first time he had ever met
Edwards. As the Los Angeles Times reports,
"It seems, however, the vice president's memory was a little off. Or
maybe Edwards didn't leave much of an impression." (I grabbed the
photo of Cheney and Edwards from the Daily
Kos.)
A big lie: Edwards correctly
pointed out that Cheney has repeatedly promoted the false notion that
Saddam Hussein was involved in the terrorist attacks three years ago.
As a truth-serum
analysis in today's
Washington Post observes:
Early in the debate,
Cheney snapped at Edwards, "The senator has got his facts wrong. I
have not suggested there's a connection between Iraq and 9/11."
But in numerous interviews, Cheney has skated close to the line in
ways that may have certainly left that impression on viewers,
usually when he cited the possibility that Mohamed Atta, one of
the hijackers on Sept. 11, 2001, met with an Iraqi official - even
after that theory was largely discredited.
Read the whole thing - it's
striking how easy it is for the Post to find examples of
Cheney lies from last night's debate, and how hard it strains to find
examples of Edwards lies with which to balance it off. Ain't
objectivity grand?
How is it going to play? An
ABC
News instant poll scored
the debate 43 percent to 35 percent, but it's hard to know what to
make of that, since respondents skewed Republican by a margin of 38
percent to 31 percent. CBS
News, which only polled
undecided voters, had it 41 percent Edwards, 28 percent
Cheney.
Last night was potentially
dangerous territory for the Kerry campaign. Four years ago, Joe
Lieberman was thought to have a huge advantage over Cheney - and got
his clock cleaned. By contrast, Edwards fought Cheney at least to a
tie, and possibly better than that. Kerry couldn't have asked for a
better performance as he heads into his second debate with Bush this
Friday.
posted at 9:14 AM |
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Tuesday, October 05, 2004
RATE THE DEBATE.
MediaChannel.org
and the Tyndall
Report have set up a
website so that you can score tonight's vice-presidential debate.
Click here;
and check out the results
from last Thursday's presidential debate.
posted at 5:00 PM |
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IS EDWARDS READY FOR HIS
CLOSE-UP? I've been lukewarm on John Edwards from the moment that
John Kerry chose him as his running mate. Back when the announcement
was made, I called Edwards "probably the best of some
not-so-great
choices." Nor was I crazy
about his speech
at the Democratic National Convention.
Tonight it's up to Edwards to keep
the momentum from last Thursday's debate moving in Kerry's direction.
On the face of it, he should have an easier time than Joe Lieberman
did four years ago. Back then, to the extent that Dick Cheney was a
known quantity, he was generally well-regarded for the job he had
done as secretary of defense during the first Gulf War. Now he comes
with some pretty heavy baggage.
Among other things, Cheney has
earned a reputation as perhaps the most untruthful member of the Bush
administration, lying to Tim Russert about his Halliburton
compensation package (see "Whopper
No. 7" specifically) and
lying to the American people about the (nonexistent) ties between Al
Qaeda and Saddam Hussein. And when Cheney's not lying, he's running
around telling people that a vote for Kerry is a vote for Osama bin
Laden. Cheney, to most observers' surprise, beat Lieberman handily by
projecting an air of cool, business-like confidence. There's no way
that Cheney should come out of tonight's debate the
winner.
Is Edwards up for it? In today's
Boston Globe, Peter Canellos has a pretty
smart analysis of what was
wrong with the Edwards pick. Canellos argues that, at first, it
appeared to be an inspired choice. But as Kerry came under fire for
his service in Vietnam, of all things, Edwards's sunny disposition
suddenly seemed not nearly as important as the fact that he is an
inexperienced, first-term senator with virtually no background in
foreign policy or military affairs. In such a changed environment,
Canellos writes, Wesley Clark or Dick Gephardt might have been a
better choice, since either would have been able credibly to defend
Kerry rather than forcing Kerry to do the job himself.
So what should Edwards do tonight?
I think he simply needs to remember two things. First, it's not about
him, it's about Kerry. So he should forget his Mr. Nice Guy persona
and be prepared to go deeply negative. Second, he's one of the best
trial lawyers in the country. He should look at Dick Cheney the way
he would look at the defendant in one of the medical-malpractice
suits that made him rich and famous, and regard the viewers back home
as though they were the jury. Moderator Gwen Ifill might make it
difficult for him to do that. But Edwards needs to find a
way.
And by the way, if you haven't read
it yet, be sure to check out Curtis Wilkie's piece in the Sunday
Globe on how Edwards fits in to the tradition of
progressive
Southern trial lawyers.
Good stuff from a guy who really understands the South.
posted at 11:57 AM |
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Saturday, October 02, 2004
TROUBLE INTENSIFIES AT WBUR. Thanks to an anonymous letter to Boston University, all of the whispered, off-the-record allegations about the way Jane Christo has run WBUR Radio (90.9 FM) are starting to come out. According to the Boston Globe's Mark Jurkowitz and the Providence Journal's David McPherson, the university, which is the license-holder, has received information about Christo - the general manager of WBUR since 1979 - that has led to an intensification of the investigation into the circumstances surrounding 'BUR's planned sale of two Rhode Island radio stations.
According to McPherson:
A BU source confirmed for The Journal that WBUR's hiring is one area of the investigation. BU's online employee directory indicates that Christo's son, Zachary Christo, is employed by WBUR. Also, former WBUR employees have told The Journal of at least 10 Albanian immigrants employed by the station. Their names are included in the BU online directory and are listed as WBUR employees.
The practice of hiring Albanian immigrants is notable because Christo's husband, Van Christo, is executive director of an Albanian immigration and cultural organization, the Frosina Information Network. He is an Albanian native himself.
Other areas of inquiry, the BU source confirmed, include general spending at WBUR, use of automobiles, a no-bid printing contract and the conduct of WBUR's "Citizens of the World" travel program, which is supposed to raise money for the station.
I can attest that these are precisely the charges that come up over and over again in off-the-record conversations with current and former WBUR employees.
I would urge some caution. I was told by several people, for instance, that though the Citizens of the World tours might actually lose money - not exactly what you're looking for from a fundraising event - they are also valuable opportunities for Christo to schmooze with potential big contributors. I was also told of at least one example in which the schmoozing paid off.
Also, the issue with the Albanians - which Jurkowitz touched on in a harsh profile of Christo in 1997 - has always been a difficult one. If they are performing jobs that need to be done (a matter of some dispute), then there isn't any obvious reason why there's something wrong with giving them a helping hand.
This week, the Phoenix published an editorial calling on Boston University to conduct a thorough investigation and to hold WBUR more accountable to the community, which has done so much to support the station over the years. Among our suggestions: greater financial disclosure, more frequent annual reports (at 'BUR, "annual" doesn't always mean "once a year"), and a community-based board with real oversight power. The Phoenix's Ian Donnis updates the story with this.
Here is a piece that Ian Donnis and I wrote a week earlier on the mounting troubles at 'BUR.
As someone who's listened to and admired WBUR for years, and has also heard many stories about Christo's dysfunctional management style, I have found the last few weeks to be both troubling and fascinating. It would be foolhardy to predict what's going to happen - or, for that matter, to assert with any confidence what the truth is. But it does appear, at long last, that many questions people have been asking for a long time are finally going to be answered.
Who knows? Before this is all over, maybe Christopher Lydon will be back on the air.
posted at 7:59 AM |
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Friday, October 01, 2004
FAIR AND BALANCED QUOTES. Josh Marshall catches Fox News' Carl Cameron making up quotes and sticking them in John Kerry's mouth. The story disappeared from the Fox website without comment until Marshall got on the case and embarrassed them into posting a retraction. Cameron had Kerry, at a post-debate rally, referring to himself as a "metrosexual" and saying something about his "cuticles." Marshall's got all the details here.
Cameron is supposedly one of Fox's straight-news reporters. His lapse doesn't tell us anything we don't already know. But still.
COSMO'S WORLD. Boston Herald business editor Cosmo Macero has a good column today (sub. req.) on Boston Globe publisher Richard Gilman's being named to the Red Sox executive board. Macero's barking in the right forest, if not necessarily up the right tree: the real conflict of interest, as he points out, is that the New York Times Company, which owns the Globe [corrected], also controls a sizeable ownership chunk of the Red Sox. Given that, the fact that Gilman is replacing retiring Times Company chief executive Russell Lewis on the board isn't that big a deal.
Macero's most salient point about the Globe: "The paper's biggest mistake has been a rather bold habit of avoiding disclosure when it editorializes on Red Sox business matters: annexing Yawkey Way; creating a 'scalp-free' zone, etc." I'm not sure if I'd call it avoidance. Sometimes it discloses, sometimes it doesn't. The point is that it should always disclose, and Macero's absolutely right about that.
Macero also announced today that he's hired former Boston-magazine executive editor John Strahinich. According to the announcement, Strahinich will "serve in a specialty role as our sole general assignment reporter - backstopping us where necessary on several beats, handling the flow of excess assignments on any given day, and, most important, developing enterprise pieces on a wide range of topics."
Strahinich is an impressive hire, and the move shows that Macero is going to be aggressive about changing the business section.
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THINK LOCALLY, ATTACK GLOBALLY. Keep your eye on the phrase "global test." It's Media Log's nomination for Most Likely to Be Spun Mindlessly by the Bush Campaign into a Negative.
But let me back up. Here is the exchange from last night's debate that led Kerry to use the phrase:
JIM LEHRER: New question. Two minutes, Senator Kerry. What is
your position on the whole concept of pre-emptive war?
KERRY: The president always has the right, and always has had the
right, for pre-emptive strike. That was a great doctrine throughout the
Cold War. And it was always one of the things we argued about with respect
to arms control. No president, though all of American history, has ever
ceded, and nor would I, the right to pre-empt in any way necessary to protect
the United States of America. But if and when you do it, Jim, you
have to do it in a way that passes the test, that passes the global test where
your countrymen, your people understand fully why you're doing what you're doing
and you can prove to the world that you did it for legitimate reasons.
Here we have our own secretary of state who has had to apologize to the world
for the presentation he made to the United Nations.
A few minutes later, George W. Bush came back with this: "Let me - I'm not exactly sure what you mean, 'passes the global test,' you take pre-emptive action if you pass a global test. My attitude is you take pre-emptive action in order to protect the American people, that you act in order to make this country secure."
As you can see, taken in context, Kerry's comment made perfect sense: the president should be able to take pre-emptive action to protect the security of the United States, but if he does so without first convincing the world community of the legitimacy of said action, then the president is going to have a big, honking mess on his hands. Need an example? Hmmm ... maybe if I think hard enough I'll be able to come up with one.
Bush, though, managed to turn Kerry's phrase around, and use it as a sort of French-bashing-by-proxy. And his sycophants are already starting to pick up on it. For instance, this morning, on WRKO Radio (AM 680), Peter Blute and Scott Allen Miller were very worked up about this, all but declaring that Kerry would turn over foreign policy to the cheese-eating surrender monkeys. The Prince of Darkness, syndicated columnist Robert Novak, picks up on that theme as well, in an entry in what might just be the worst blog in the short history of blogging.
Can Karl Rove turn this sickly acorn into a mighty oak over the next few days? We'll see. And, obviously, it's up to the media not to play along.
Meanwhile, the consensus of public opinion seems to be that Kerry won the debate handily, but that Bush did a good enough job of getting his points across that the central dynamic of the race probably won't change all that much. ABC's instant poll had respondents giving it to Kerry, 45 percent to 36 percent, but with Bush retaining a 51 percent to 47 percent lead in the presidential-preference question. Then again, ABC calls that "customary," raising the possibility that as the reality of Kerry's superior performance sinks in, Kerry may start to move up.
Finally, the Phoenix crew offers its thoughts on the debate at BostonPhoenix.com.
posted at 11:57 AM |
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MEDIA LOG ARCHIVES
Dan Kennedy is senior writer and media critic for the Boston Phoenix.