BY DAN
KENNEDY
Serving the reality-based community since 2002.
Notes and observations on
the press, politics, culture, technology, and more. To sign up for
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an e-mail to Dan Kennedy, click
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For bio, published work, and links to other blogs, visit
www.dankennedy.net.
Thursday, December 30, 2004
FRANKS TALK. I started
fact-checking Boston Globe columnist Jeff Jacoby's annual
column on "liberal
hate speech" this morning,
but stopped after I satisfied myself that he had not taken
Walter Cronkite or Bill Moyers out of context. Oh, my. What were they
thinking?
Still, I couldn't help but be
struck by how pallid Jacoby's examples were compared to, say,
George
W. Bush's attaboy to the
guy at one of his campaign rallies who accused John Kerry of faking
his war wounds, or Dick
Cheney's insinuation that a
vote for Kerry was a vote for Osama bin Laden.
But never mind. Here's what I
really wish Jacoby hadn't left out. At one point he criticizes
liberal Republican Colin Powell for saying that Undersecretary of
Defense Douglas Feith was running a "Gestapo office." Jeff! Why
didn't you also quote conservative Republican Tommy
Franks, who called Feith
"the fucking stupidest guy on the face of the earth"?
Talk about lost
opportunities.
DISSECTOR SIGHTING. The
New York Times has a nice profile today of Danny
Schechter on the occasion
of his new documentary, (WMD) Weapons of Mass Deception. Is
Danny really 62? I think that may be a typo. I quote Danny in my
story this week on podcasting (below). In case you haven't discovered
his blog, here
it is.
MEDIA LOG ON CNN. I'll be
appearing on CNN's Reliable
Sources this Sunday at
11:30 a.m. with bloggers Andrew
Sullivan and
Ana
Marie Cox.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. A look at podcasting
- downloadable radio for your iPod or other MP3 player - that
promises to be one of the big media trends of 2005, and that could
pose the most significant threat to commercial radio since the advent
of television.
posted at 9:58 AM |
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Wednesday, December 29, 2004
THE WORST BUSH. Tom "Don't
Call Me Thomas" Frank has a useful corrective to nostalgia for George
H.W. Bush on the New Republic's website. But Frank gets
carried away, arguing - believe it or not - that Bush the father was
actually a worse president than the current occupant of the White
House.
It's too bad Frank's piece is
available only to subscribers (click
here to read it if you're a
paying customer), because Frank's thesis deserves better than
hit-or-miss summary. Although let me take a simplistic swipe anyway:
anyone who tries to argue that Bush I was worse than Bush II because
the former pushed a constitutional amendment to ban flag-burning, as
Frank does, really needs to take another look at Alberto Gonzales's
torture memos. At the very least.
Frank also omits entirely one of
Bush I's signal accomplishments: the passage of the Americans
with Disabilities Act,
evidence that Bush's Yankee Republican impulses were not entirely
dead. I don't doubt that someone will e-mail me that Bush had little
to do with the ADA. I don't care. He supported it and he signed it.
Bush II has given the ADA lip service, but today's Republican Party
would just as soon get rid of it. Indeed, in 2001 our only president
nominated
to a federal judgeship a
man who'd said the ADA was "not needed."
But Frank reserves the bulk of his
essay for Iraq, tying himself into knots in attempting to show that
Bush I's largely successful intervention to liberate Kuwait was, in fact, a bigger
disaster than Bush II's current war. Frank builds his case mainly
around Bush I's outspoken support for Iraq's Kurds and Shiites to
rebel against Saddam Hussein in 1991, which led to slaughter after
Bush refused to back up his words with force. He writes:
[W]hat is worse:
telling the world that you are sure about WMD when you are only
pretty sure - or telling a group of people that you support their
efforts to rebel and then standing by as they get killed? Killing
thousands in an attempt bring democracy to a brutal dictatorship -
or allowing many thousands more to be killed in the name of
holding together a coalition and maintaining regional stability by
preserving a brutal dictatorship? If we are ashamed of the actions
Dubya has taken in our name, why are we not even more ashamed of
the actions Poppy took in our name?
Oh, come now. Bush I engaged in
amoral realpolitik, and for that he deserves some criticism.
But was it a bad thing that the Kurds and the Shiites rebelled? Did
anyone really think we were going to rush in and support them? There
was every reason to think the rebellion might have succeeded; it
failed, as Frank himself notes, because the Iraqi army turned its
guns on the rebels rather than on Saddam. Tragic as it was, these
things happen, and it's hardly a reason that Bush I shouldn't have
encouraged a coup. Bush II, on the other hand, is merely responsible
for the single worst foreign-policy debacle since Vietnam, maybe even
including Vietnam. Bush I's cynicism enhanced our alliances
with the world community. Bush II's idealism has destroyed those
alliances.
Frank does concede that he's got a
difficult case to make. At one point he writes of Bush II:
Perhaps torturing
prisoners at Abu Ghraib wasn't such a brilliant idea. Perhaps
deceiving the public on the grounds for war and squandering the
nation's credibility for at least a generation will be judged to
have been impulsive. And perhaps we'd be better off not having
gone into Iraq, even if it meant that Saddam held power still.
America would probably be financially healthier and less hated
abroad, 1,300 Americans would still be alive, and 10,000 more
would have been spared devastating injuries.
Well, duh.
Here is Frank's mistake. He starts
out criticizing pundits like Thomas Friedman and Fareed Zakaria for
building up Bush I as a way of tearing down Bush II. In the end,
though, Frank does just the opposite, building up Bush II as a way of
making the case against Bush I. He does it sort of half-heartedly; he
acknowledges that Bush II has some shortcomings, to put it mildly.
But there you go.
It's really pretty simple. Both
Bushes, father and son, were and are lousy presidents. But the son is
worse - much
worse. Is there really any
doubt about that?
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Tuesday, December 28, 2004
SUFFER THE CHILDREN? There
are no victims of the earthquake more heartbreaking than the
children. The lead
photo in this morning's
New York Times is particularly wrenching: it depicts an Indian
mother wailing over the bodies of dead children, some of them
hers.
But it would appear that the sheer
emotion of this tragedy has clouded the Times' news judgment.
Consider the headline: "Toll in Undersea Earthquake Passes 25,000; a
Third of the Dead Are Said to Be Children." Now, granted, the tone of
the headline is just-the-facts. But by emphasizing that a third of
those killed were children, the clear message is that they were
disproportionately the victims of this awful tragedy.
The main
story, by Seth Mydans, adds
to that impression in the second paragraph:
The toll from the disaster
- with more than 25,000 dead and many unaccounted for - came into
sharper relief on a day when it seemed increasingly clear that at
least a third of the dead were children, according to estimates by
aid officials.
Mydans's seventh paragraph expands
on this - but contains an odd kicker:
The realization began to
emerge Tuesday that the dead included an exceptionally high number
of children who, aid officials suggested, were least able to grab
onto trees or boats when the deadly waves smashed through villages
and over beaches. Children make up at least half the population
of Asia.
What? Let's back up for a moment.
You don't have to be a math whiz to realize that if a third of the
victims are children, but if at least half of all Asians are
children, then, if anything, the victims of the earthquake were
disproportionately adults.
Does this distinction matter? Not
very much, perhaps. Journalists are struggling to make sense of these
terrible events, and it's inevitable that some hyperbole is going to
creep into their coverage. But editors back in the home office, at
least, ought to be able to stop and think before putting together a
front page that can't hold up its own internal logic.
TALK SOUP. Bob Garfield
either wasn't thinking, or has a finely honed sense of irony. Actually, listeners already know he's dripping with irony. So the question is whether or not he was thinking.
I was
listening to the podcast of NPR's On
the Media while driving
to work this morning when I heard Garfield's report on the media's
overreliance on a few much-quoted experts, like congressional analyst
Norman Ornstein and consumer advocate Gene Kimmelman.
So far, so good. But who was
Garfield's main talking head? Why, it was Robert Thompson, director
of the Center for the Study of Popular Television at Syracuse
University, and no slouch himself in the talking-head department.
Indeed, a search of just "major papers" on Lexis-Nexis for the past
12 months reveals that Thompson was trotted out for a quote 289
times.
Thompson is used as often as he is
because he's accessible, and he always has something interesting to
say. As they say in the trade, he gives good phone. In fact,
I
called upon him as recently
as last week, for a piece I was writing on FCC chairman Michael
Powell.
Still, there was something
perversely amusing about listening to Thompson talk with Garfield
about the need for journalists to expand their rolodexes beyond the
usual suspects.
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Monday, December 27, 2004
COMING TO GRIPS WITH THE
QUAKE. I suspect it will be another day or two before the full
impact of the terrible earthquake in Malaysia becomes clear, although
what we know already is bad enough.
The Star, which is based in
Malaysia, has put up a photo
gallery, but an
interactive
feature (click on "Asia's
Deadly Waves") put together on the New York Times website -
with photos from India, Thailand, and Sri Lanka - is more
evocative.
Glenn Reynolds has links to some
Malaysian
bloggers. The most
frightening observation - one that will become more apparent as the
week wears on - is that millions of people have lost access to
drinkable water.
The headline on CNN.com right now
is "Asia
Quake Death Toll Tops 23,000."
I think everyone understands that the number is going much, much
higher than that.
"EATING HAM FOR UNCLE SAM."
My former Phoenix colleague Seth Gitell, now press
secretary to Boston mayor Tom Menino, has written a must-read
essay for a website called
NextBook
on a trove of letters his grandfather wrote while fighting in Europe
during World War II.
The letters, about 1,000 of them,
somehow made their way to the Boston Athenaeum, shedding new light on
the role of Jewish soldiers in the war - an underexamined subject,
Gitell notes, despite the fact that such celebrated Jewish novelists
as Norman Mailer and Joseph Heller wrote about it.
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Thursday, December 23, 2004
POWELL SQUARED. Two pieces
on FCC chairman Michael Powell. In the new Phoenix, I've got
an essay that analyzes how the one-time libertarian technocrat
morphed
into the censor-in-chief. In the New York Times, Stephen
Labaton traces
the same devolution.
PUNK ZIMMY. Did you know
that the Ramones once did a cover of Bob Dylan's "My Back Pages"? Me
neither. Get yourself over to Coverville
and find out more.
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Wednesday, December 22, 2004
TARGETING TECHNOLOGY. The
entertainment industry is running wild again, shutting
down servers that were
being used to download movies illegally. Moral and legal arguments
about file-sharing aside, what's significant about this is that the
Motion
Picture Association of America
(MPAA) is going after websites that use BitTorrent,
a newish piece of software that greatly speeds up the transfer of
large files.
Jess
Kilby wrote about
BitTorrent for the Portland Phoenix back in March. Without
getting too technical, the way it works is that you download a file -
say, a movie - in pieces from many users, rather than as one big
file. At the same time, you're automatically uploading even as you're
downloading. Users say that the more people who are doing it, the
faster the file transfer goes.
Because the MPAA is going after
sites that apparently facilitated file-sharing rather than targeting
BitTorrent itself, it would be unfair to say that the industry is
trying to shut down a particular technology. Still, there are some
free-speech principles here that shouldn't be overlooked.
In the 1980s, the entertainment
industry actually tried to stop the sale of VCRs, then a nascent
technology, arguing that their only possible use was to steal
copyrighted material. But in Sony
Corporation of America v. Universal Studios,
Inc. (1984), the
Supreme Court refused to ban VCRs, ruling that they could also be
used for perfectly legal purposes, such as time-shifting. Thus was
the movie biz saved from its own narrow-sightedness: videos
ultimately emerged as an important new source of revenue.
On the other hand, Napster
eventually lost
its legal battle, with the
federal courts ruling that its music-sharing service could be used
for almost nothing but copyright violation. (Today's
Napster has nothing to do
with the original service; an existing service merely acquired the
name.)
What may be significant here is
that the original Napster was not just a service that facilitated the
trading of music files, copyrighted and not. It was also a software
concept that has been abandoned, lest others run afoul of the law.
Newer services, such as KaZaA and LimeWire, are better protected
legally because they do not compile a centralized file of what's
available - but they're also harder to use.
I'm rambling this morning. Sorry
about that. What is the significance of all this with regard to
BitTorrent? Simply this: like the original Napster, it can be used
for illegal file-sharing. But like the VCR, it also has many
legal uses. In the nascent world of podcasting,
for instance, BitTorrent can be used to speed the transfer of large
audio files produced by DIY radio programmers.
It's one thing for the MPAA to go
after those who would steal movies. It's quite another if its quest
to protect its copyright interests harms an idea that is still in its
earliest stages. The industry tried and failed to kill the VCR. Let's
hope it fails this time as well.
TRASHING HISTORY. The
Boston Globe reports today that time
is running out for the
historic Gaiety Theatre. In October, Kristen Lombardi wrote a
comprehensive piece on this outrage
for the Boston Phoenix.
ABOUT TIME. The Boston
Herald reports today that the US attorney's office has begun a
criminal
investigation into the
leaks and cost overruns at the Big Dig. Maybe there's nothing there.
But this has got to be looked at.
MOVING ON. Bay
Windows, which covers
the city's gay and lesbian community, has a new editor - Susan
Ryan-Vollmar, the former news editor of the Phoenix.
Susan
makes the announcement on
her weblog.
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Tuesday, December 21, 2004
THOSE SCARY ENVIROS II.
After I posted yesterday's
item on Maryland's
non-existent eco-terrorists, I received an e-mail from Media Log
reader C.M., who pointed me to this
mind-blowing story that ran
in the Anchorage Daily News on September 12, 2001.
At a moment when all of us were
trying to figure out what had just happened, Republican congressman
Don Young, of Alaska, had a possible answer. Liz Ruskin
reported:
Young warned against
rushing to the conclusion that Middle Eastern terrorists were
responsible. There's some possibility, he said, that the attacks
are linked to the protests against the World Trade Organization,
another of which is scheduled for later this month in Washington,
D.C.
"If you watched what happened
[at past protests] in Genoa, in Italy, and even in
Seattle, there's some expertise in that field," Young said. "I'm
not sure they're that dedicated but eco-terrorists - which are
really based in Seattle - there's a strong possibility that could
be one of the groups."
Young issued a
written statement the
following day, but declined the opportunity to repeat the nutty
remarks he'd made to the News.
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Monday, December 20, 2004
THOSE SCARY ENVIROS. Now
that we know "eco-terrorists" (don't you love the term?) weren't
responsible for those December 6 arson fires in a southern-Maryland
subdivision, it's time to ask a few questions as to why the media
were so gullible.
Not surprisingly, though many news
organizations picked up on FBI suspicions, few went as far as Fox
News. Here's a bit from Special Report with Brit Hume from
December 7. Reporting is Steve Centanni:
The housing development is
near a place called the Araby bog, it's a sensitive type of
wetland called a Magnolia bog and that prompted the Sierra Club to
protest the construction plans. The environmental group called the
subdivision urban sprawl that impacts on fragile wetlands.
Raising that possibility ecoterrorists, like the ELF, the Earth
Liberation Front, could be to blame.
That group, the so-called
ELFs, have launched high profile arson attacks to protest
development across the country, including a 1998 attack in Vail,
Colorado. But unlike in previous ELF attacks, no calling card
like a banner, sign or any other claim of responsibility has been
found here in Maryland. Although one could still turn
up....
One source close to the
investigation tells FOX News, members of the Earth Liberation
Front are likely to be contacted as part of this painstaking
investigation.
Can't you just feel the fear? And
don't you love the casual, connect-the-dots link between the Sierra
Club and house-burning radicals? Subdivisions go up every day, many
of them in wetlands and other environmentally sensitive areas. Yet
how often do you hear about eco-terrorism? I'm not saying it never
happens - evidently it has. But it seems sufficiently rare that it's
bizarre for the Earth
Liberation Front to emerge
instantly as Fox's most likely suspect.
Here's CBS reporter Bob Orr on
The Early Show for that same day:
While investigators are
certain the fires were deliberately set, they don't know who's
responsible. The neighborhood being built near a nature preserve
has drawn criticism from environmentalists concerned that
overdevelopment may threaten Chesapeake Bay wetlands.
So-called eco-terrorists have
already used fire as a weapon. Last summer a group called the
Earth Liberation Front admitted torching a $50 million development
in California. Environmental extremists have also targeted
upscale, gas-guzzling SUVs. Maryland authorities say so far
they can't connect this fire to eco-terror. But the arson
damage will top $10 million, and dozens of families have had their
American Dreams interrupted.
"So far." But they will, by God!
Except that they didn't.
To its credit, the Washington
Post as early as December 8 ran a story by David A. Fahrenthold
that took a
skeptical view of the eco-terrorist
angle, noting that it was
only one possible motive, and that such criminal tactics are
completely alien to the Maryland environmental movement. But it's so
much more fun to say "eco-terrorist."
I'll grant you that this story
never got completely out of hand, like the targeting of security
guard Richard
Jewell in the Atlanta
Olympics bombing of 1996 (he was later cleared without ever having
been formally charged), or the blaming of Islamist extremists in the
Oklahoma
City bombing of 1995. But
will the media ever learn to restrain themselves when stumped
investigators float theories in the hope of flushing something or
someone out?
Now we're told that
race
may have been a motive.
We'll see about that.
CAPTURED SOUND, ROUND 2. I
received some excellent advice in response to my recent call for help
in finding a digital voice recorder. After rejecting a suggestion for
a $700 unit (an easy call, though I'm sure it's great), I'm looking
seriously at an Olympus DS-660. One Media Log reader told me she's
very happy with her DS-330; and it seems that the more-expensive toy
is only slightly more expensive if I buy it online - like
around $150.
Any thoughts?
posted at 9:54 AM |
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Thursday, December 16, 2004
WHAT A DOLT. I imagine it would
take a while to amass enough rejection letters from the op-ed page of
a major daily newspaper to be able to get a funny column out of it.
Bruce Stockler didn't want to wait. So he managed to sweet-talk
National Review Online into posting his piece on rejections from the
Washington Post without bothering to have actually been, you
know, rejected.
Howard Kurtz has the details
here.
Read that first, and pay careful attention to the words of
National Review editor Rich Lowry, who tells Kurtz, "This
piece seems to me to be pretty obvious satire. It seems to me he's
obviously making stuff up to be funny." Lowry does concede that the
satire, if that's what it is, is more apparent by the end of
Stockler's piece than at the beginning. But Lowry makes a serious
factual error in calling Stockler's column "funny."
Then, if you care enough to
continue, read
Stockler. Act quickly! I
wouldn't bet a lot of money that it will remain online the rest of
the day. If you're like me, I think you'll agree that Stockler is
nothing but a lying liar. (Via Romenesko.)
BRUDNOY'S LAST COLUMN. Among
many other things, David Brudnoy was a film critic for the Community
Newspaper chain. This week, CNC publishes his
final piece - a heartfelt
plea for AIDS research, especially in the Third World. There's more
Brudnoy here.
In the new Phoenix, Harvey
Silverglate has a terrific
tribute to his
friend.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. Jack Beatty, of the Atlantic
Monthly and the radio show On Point, talks about the
great
political writing that's
between the covers of a recent book that he edited,
Pols.
posted at 8:58 AM |
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Wednesday, December 15, 2004
ON SECOND THOUGHT. I've been
holding off from offering more than a
brief comment about that
celebrated United Church of Christ ad, mainly because I wasn't quite
sure what I thought. Well, I've been thinking some more. And it seems
pretty clear to me that though the UCC's heart is in the right place,
its ad sends a decidedly mixed message.
First, take a few moments to
watch
it. Note what you see. Two
black-shirted goons stand in front of a church, turning away people
they deem unfit to enter. We start with two young men, presumably a
gay couple. "No. Step aside please," says one of the goons. Fair
enough; discrimination against lesbians and gay men is at the heart
of the culture war, and the UCC is absolutely right to take on the
fundies. You have to wonder how many hard-core red-staters even know
that there are mainstream religious denominations that do not
discriminate.
But the ad quickly deteriorates. A
young man who appears to be Latino approaches. "No way, not you," he
is told. A young woman - possibly a teenager - who's either black or
Latino is told, "No." Someone else - it's hard to say who - is told,
"I don't think so."
What is the message here? That
there are religious denominations that don't allow admittance to
Latinos and blacks? This is pretty outrageous, and we shouldn't let
this slide simply because the UCC espouses liberal values.
The second half of the ad is fine.
After the goons are done with their work, we see a slide that says,
"Jesus didn't turn people away. Neither do we." After that, we see
some happy families of various ethnicities and sexual orientations as
the narrator says, "The United Church of Christ. No matter who you
are or where you are on life's journey, you're welcome
here."
What made the ad notorious, of
course, was that it was rejected
by CBS and NBC. In
particular, CBS handed a gift to the UCC, issuing a bizarre statement
that made it clear the network executives were more interested in
toadying to the White House than in any sort of fair play. Said
CBS:
Because this commercial
touches on the exclusion of gay couples and other minority groups
by other individuals and organizations, and the fact the Executive
Branch has recently proposed a Constitutional Amendment to define
marriage as a union between a man and a woman, this spot is
unacceptable for broadcast on the [CBS and UPN]
networks.
Why on earth would CBS say anything
other than "the ad doesn't meet our standards"? More evidence that
the wheels have completely come off the "Tiffany network."
The rejection has proved to be a
publicity bonanza for the UCC, which is now trying to get the FCC to
strip
licenses from two Miami
television stations, one owned by CBS, the other by NBC.
As a free-speech matter, this is an
enormously complicated issue. Ordinarily, free-speech rights would
reside with those to whom the ad is submitted. If the First Amendment
means anything, it means that no one can be forced to propagate a
message against his or her wishes, even if that message is
accompanied by a check. Certainly no newspaper or magazine could be
compelled to publish an ad it didn't want to accept.
But broadcasting has always been
different, because of the theory that television and radio stations
use scarce, publicly owned airwaves, and are thus bound by certain
public-interest regulations. Add to that the fact that most broadcast
outlets have fallen into the hands of a tiny number of corporate
media giants, and it can be argued that CBS and NBC are too powerful
to be allowed the last word on what advocacy ads they will or will
not accept. My solution: break up the media monopolies, and extend
the full protection of the First Amendment to radio and
television.
If I were a network executive, I'd
like to think I would accept the UCC ad. It's good to see religious
liberals starting to fight back, even though I'm put off by the UCC's implication that the fundies discriminate against racial minorities - something that's clearly not true. But I would also have to think
through the implications. If I run an ad that implies there are
religious denominations that don't accept Latinos or blacks, what
right would I then have to reject an ad portraying the UCC as a
hotbed of Satan-worshippers? Or an ad that says Unitarian
Universalists are all going to hell? (At least I'll see my
friends!)
For that matter, consider the most
defensible part of the UCC ad - the turning-away of a gay couple.
Could this not open the door to some religious-right group demanding
that the networks accept an ad denouncing gays and lesbians? If the
UCC can try to get the FCC to force stations to carry its ad, why
couldn't the
Reverend James Dobson?
Maybe what we've got is the best
possible outcome. The networks have asserted their First Amendment
rights. And the UCC has gotten its message out far more effectively
than if its ad had been quietly accepted.
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Tuesday, December 14, 2004
MORE ON THE HERALD.
Romenesko has dug up a good
background story from the
Boston Business Journal.
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THE HERALD ON TRIAL.
There have got to be some long faces at One Herald Square today. The
Washington Post has weighed in with a lengthy, front-page
story by Alicia Mundy on a
libel suit against the
Boston Herald. And if that weren't bad enough, it's been
picked up by Drudge.
The suit stems from a page-one
splash the Herald published on February 13, 2002: "Murphy's
Law: Lenient Judge Frees Dangerous Criminals." The story, by
Herald reporter Dave Wedge, claimed that Superior Court judge
Ernest Murphy had said of a 14-year-old rape victim, "Tell her to get
over it." According to Murphy, he never said it, and Wedge's story
has had an enormously damaging effect on his reputation, his state of
mind, and his and his family's health.
In a new-media twist, Murphy's suit
incorporates statements that Wedge made on Fox News's The O'Reilly
Factor. That makes sense, but it's also enough to send a chill
down the spine of any reporter. When you're working on a sensitive
story, every line is subjected to an editor's careful inspection.
Sometimes a lawyer will look it over, too. But go on TV and start
blabbing about it, and you're operating strictly without a
net.
Here is what Murphy told the
Boston Globe several weeks after the Herald story
ran:
I deny that I ever said
anything critical of, or demeaning about, the victim. Every single
quote that has been attributed to me about that has been
fabricated out of thin air. The real truth is 180 degrees. I was
extremely concerned about the welfare of the victim, and I made
that position apparent to everyone.
Here is what the Post
reports about Wedge:
Wedge said he stands
behind what he wrote but acknowledged the quote may not have been
exact. "I know he said the judge said either 'She's got to get
over it' or 'Tell her to get over it,'" he said in an interview.
Murphy maintains the conversation never occurred....
Wedge acknowledged in an
affidavit that the 14-year-old girl, who he wrote had "tearfully"
read her "heart-wrenching" statement in court, in fact never spoke
in court nor took the stand. And although his story referred to
"several" courthouse sources, he confirmed in a deposition that he
had talked with only one person who had allegedly heard Murphy
make the comment.
As Mundy observes, because Murphy
is a public official he must show that the Herald acted with
"actual malice" - that is, that it published the story knowing that it was
false, or that it acted with reckless disregard for whether the
story was true or false. So Murphy still faces quite a
hurdle.
It will be interesting to see
whether the Herald fights back against the Post. If I
were Pat Purcell, I'd take a called strike on this one.
posted at 7:44 AM |
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Monday, December 13, 2004
THE PASSION OF GARY WEBB.
The accounts of investigative reporter Gary Webb's suicide over the
weekend are as conventional as you can get. Typical
is the lead in today's
Los Angeles Times:
Gary Webb, an
investigative reporter who wrote a widely criticized series
linking the CIA to the explosion of crack cocaine in Los Angeles,
was found dead in his Sacramento-area home Friday. He apparently
killed himself, authorities said.
Webb's three-part series on the
connection between the CIA, the Nicaraguan contras, and crack was a
sensation when it was published in the San Jose Mercury News
in 1996. It was also one of the first big breakthroughs in Internet
journalism: the Mercury put it all online, and people around
the country logged on to learn about how the CIA - at the very least
- looked the other way while right-wing death squads financed their
US-supported rampages by selling drugs.
Sadly for Webb, the Mercury
lacked the courage of its reporter's convictions. And after the
New York Times, the Washington Post, and the LA
Times published long pieces debunking Webb's reporting, Webb was
thrown overboard. Webb's reporting wasn't perfect, but his series,
"Dark Alliance," was full of valuable information - information that
the mainstream media had been notably lax in reporting during the
preceding decade.
Norman
Solomon's 1997 overview for
Extra!, published by Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting, is
a useful corrective. As Solomon observes, the debunkers relied to a
large extent on unnamed CIA sources. Senator John Kerry, who headed
an investigation into contra drug-running in the late 1980s, was also
mocked by some of these same dubious characters.
In recent years Webb kicked around,
even doing some
work with Al Giordano at
NarcoNews.com.
Giordano has posted a
Spanish-language tribute to
Webb; perhaps the English version will be available soon for us
monolingual ugly Americans.
Robert Parry, whose reporting for
Newsweek and the Associated Press unearthed pieces of the
contra/CIA/crack connection as well, has uploaded an overview of
Webb's reporting here.
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Saturday, December 11, 2004
POST-SAFIRE. Jack Shafer has
some interesting speculation in Slate over who
might succeed the New
York Times' retiring conservative columnist, William Safire.
Though the smart money is on John Tierney, Shafer has a few other
ideas - including former Boston Globe columnist John
Ellis.
Ellis wouldn't be a bad choice
(indeed, Shafer quotes from a
1999 profile I did on Ellis
to that effect), but the timing is pretty obviously wrong, given that
his cousin is the president. Still, Ellis would be infinitely
preferable to that hack Fred Barnes, whose name is floating around
for reasons Media Log knows not.
HELP MEDIA LOG! After
suffering through one near-disaster too many with a tape-recorded
interview last week (if my victim is reading this, don't worry - we
saved it), I've finally decided to break down and get a digital voice
recorder.
Media Log Jr. thinks I can get a
good one for $40. My gut tells me I should probably pay a little more
than that, though I'm not looking to spend a fortune. My
requirements:
- It should hold two to four
hours' worth of stuff; more would be even better.
- It must be compatible with Mac
OS X.
- It's got to have good
transcription software included, or at least available by
download.
- An input to record phone
interviews is a must.
- I prefer batteries over a
charger, but can go either way.
I've already ruled out a plug-in
for my iPod - the reviews are mediocre. So what should I
get?
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Friday, December 10, 2004
ALL BRUDS, ALL THE TIME.
Here's a treat for fans of the late David Brudnoy: a short film of
him getting his photograph taken with Harvey Silverglate in the
studio of Cambridge photographer Elsa Dorfman, Harvey's wife. It's by
longtime Boston television journalist Chuck Kraemer. Click
here
and scroll down.
Brudnoy's friend Jon Keller had a
nice tribute last night on WLVI-TV (Channel 56) - some highlights of
appearances by Brudnoy on Channel 56 over the years. Keller is
putting together an all-Brudnoy Keller at Large, so stay
tuned.
Brudnoy's on-air home, WBZ, has
posted an audio tribute alongside the interview that Gary LaPierre
did with him on Wednesday. You can listen to both by clicking
here.
Mark Feeney's front-page
Brudnoy obit in the
Globe is well worth reading, as is Dean
Johnson's piece in the
Herald.
And here is where you should send
your check: The David Brudnoy Fund for AIDS Research; Massachusetts General Hospital; Development and Public Affairs Office; 101 Merrimac Street M01410; Boston, MA 02114-4719.
What were the odds, when Brudnoy
was diagnosed with HIV in 1988, that he'd still be around in 2004?
This is a sad day, but in many respects Brudnoy beat the odds. What
he gave to this city and this region is incalculable. Dean Johnson's
sidebar
today on who might replace Bruds only serves to emphasize what a void
David leaves.
No one, as they say, is
irreplaceable. Except David Brudnoy.
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Thursday, December 09, 2004
SAYING GOODBYE TO BRUDNOY.
Fine pieces today by the Boston Globe's Brian
McGrory and the Boston
Herald's Mike
Barnicle (sub. req.) on
David Brudnoy, the legendary talk-show host of WBZ Radio (AM 1030)
and a fixture in the city since the 1970s.
Dean
Johnson of the
Herald has a good account of "The Last David Brudnoy Show,"
hosted last night by former 'BZ host Peter Meade, a close friend of
Brudnoy's. The Meade show was a fitting tribute to Brudnoy. I
listened for the first hour, and was especially moved by my friend
"Seth from Hull," my friend and occasional collaborator Harvey Silverglate, and by Paul Sullivan, a WBZ host who is himself
battling cancer.
Here
is the interview that Gary LaPierre did with Brudnoy
yesterday. There's a streaming-audio version online, too; if you haven't heard it yet, please try it. Brudnoy's courage and dignity are beyond comprehension.
We are about to lose a truly
amazing man.
FACT-CHECKING SEVERIN. While
Boston was saying goodbye yesterday to a true giant of talk radio, a new-generation talker, Jay Severin, was attempting
to rip apart Boston Globe columnist Scot Lehigh during his
afternoon show on WTKK Radio (96.9 FM). It was truly enough to make
you doubt the theory of evolution.
I'm not going to get into the
merits of Lehigh's
latest attack on Severin,
except to say that I basically agree with Lehigh. But just in case
any card-carrying members of the Best and Brightest are reading Media
Log today, I want to take a closer look at a few things Severin said,
in the possibly vain hope that they will come away Better and
Brighter.
My usual caveat in these
situations: I was in my car and wasn't rolling tape. I'm confident
that this is accurate, but you're not going to see any direct
quotes.
First, in an attempt to
demonstrate Lehigh's alleged insignificance and his own incomparable
awesomeness, Severin breathlessly told his listeners that if you
search
for Jay Severin on Google,
you will come up with 26,400 hits. Wow! That must mean he's, like, a
master of the universe or something. (I see this morning that it's
down to 26,200 hits. These things fluctuate.)
Of course, a master of the universe
can't be expected actually to learn how to use Google. But as
every good Googler knows, you've got to put a full name in quotation
marks, like this - "Jay Severin." Otherwise, you'll get everything
that has the word "Severin" and everything that has the word "Jay."
If you use the quotation marks, and eliminate all those stories about
the Toronto Blue Jays, jaywalking, and Jay Peak, what do you get?
How
does 6970 hits sound?
Now, that's still not too shabby, I
think we can agree. But let's do a
quotation-mark search for "Scot
Lehigh." Oooh - 3610 hits.
Not as many as Severin, but not bad. Besides, there are hits and
there are hits.
Which brings me to a second point.
Severin claimed that Lehigh knew nothing about national politics
because he's never covered national politics. I believe he
said something about Lehigh covering garbage pick-up in Revere or
some such thing. In fact, Lehigh has covered several presidential
campaigns. And here
is a link that Severin
might not want the Best and the Brightest to know about: it's to the
website for the Pulitzer Prizes. I can't find a way to create a
direct link, but if you drill down, you'll see that Lehigh was a
finalist for a Pulitzer in national reporting in 1989, for his
coverage of the '88 presidential campaign, when he was a reporter for
the Boston Phoenix.
(Here's a meaningless aside that I
can't resist: if you Google
"Dan Kennedy," you will get
155,000 hits - just a few more than Severin's almost-7000. As you'll
see if you do this, there are four different Dan Kennedys on the
first page of results alone, so the comparison's not exactly fair.
But hey, Best and Brightest! I hold down four of the top five
unsponsored slots!)
Third, Severin boasted about the
number of times he's been interviewed by the national media. It's
true - he has. I searched "news transcripts" on Lexis-Nexis and came
up with 868 examples. The vast majority, though, seemed to be
appearances on Imus in the Morning and from his old
talking-head shtick on MSNBC - and for some reason, a number of those
appearances were listed multiple times. So it's actually quite a bit
less than 868.
Severin said he had been
interviewed by Tom Brokaw; Lexis-Nexis contains zero evidence of that
ever having happened. (Lexis-Nexis isn't perfect, so I wouldn't call
that dispositive.) Severin also said he had appeared on
Nightline. I had better luck with that, coming up with three
appearances - the most recent of which occurred in 1995.
Severin is eminently
well-credentialed to do what he does; take that any way you like.
What's interesting, though, is that Lehigh, in the course of
expressing some pretty harsh opinions about Severin, said nothing
that was even remotely untrue. Severin, in fighting back, couldn't
manage to get through the 10 or so minutes that I was listening
without making several whoppers.
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Wednesday, December 08, 2004
THE DAVID BRUDNOY ERA. David
Brudnoy, the best radio
talk-show host in the
history of the city, if not the country, is seriously ill and is not
expected to recover. He's been at Massachusetts General Hospital
since
last week for tests. Today
the hospital announced that the sixtysomething Brudnoy has suffered a
recurrence of Merkel
cell carcinoma, a rare,
aggressive form of skin cancer that knocked him off the air for
several months last year. The cancer has now spread to his
liver.
In addition to being a terrific
talk-show host and a friend to an astounding array of media,
political, and literary figures and regular folks, Brudnoy is a
medical marvel. In 1994 Brudnoy nearly died of AIDS after having
secretly lived with the disease since the 1980s. Against all odds,
Brudnoy recovered and returned to the airwaves on WBZ Radio (AM
1030). And with the advent of new AIDS drugs, Brudnoy remained in
remarkable health until last year.
Despite living with illness for
nearly 20 years, Brudnoy kept up a schedule that people half his age
found inspiring - even intimidating. In addition to his
three-hours-per-night (five before '94) radio show, he taught
journalism at Boston University and wrote movie reviews for the
Tab newspapers. He also wrote occasionally for the
Phoenix, including, most recently, "Where's
Our Gay Sidney Poitier?",
on why gays and lesbians need non-stereotypical media role
models.
A self-described libertarian
conservative, Brudnoy is the sort who can get along with almost
everyone and who treats everyone he meets with respect. A Japanese
scholar who graduated from Yale University, Brudnoy pursued a career
in a medium not exactly known for its intellectualism. But rather
than letting talk radio drag him down, Brudnoy elevated it. Like
the
late Jerry Williams,
Brudnoy is a founder, a giant in his field of the sort who may not be
seen again.
Brudnoy is said to be spending
today doing interviews with Boston Globe columnist Brian
McGrory, Boston Herald columnist Mike Barnicle, and his own
station. His interview with WBZ will be broadcast tonight at 7 on a
special program that will reportedly be hosted by his old 'BZ
sidekick, Peter Meade.
The last time I interviewed Brudnoy
was in September 2003, just after he'd been diagnosed with Merkel's.
Among other things, I asked him how he had changed as a result of
living
with illness for all those
years.
"I've learned one thing: I can't do
it alone," he responded. "I've always had friends, I've always loved
people. But I always thought, 'I can take care of my own things.' And
I realize now, you can't. I've learned to need people and not to feel
embarrassed. I've also learned to open up far more. I never wanted
people to stay here at the house. It isn't that I didn't like people,
it's that I felt I couldn't function with house guests. I've lived so
long alone. I finally got a hide-a-bed. And I've learned I kind of
like people around.
"I've also found that my priorities
are more devoted to helping others. I realize how many people helped
me get through 1994. And so I tend to be a little bit more
comfortable reaching out."
David Brudnoy is a great man, and
his passing will create an enormous void in the fabric of the city
and of New England.
Mass General issued a statement on
Brudnoy's condition moments ago. Here it is in full:
December 8,
2004
Statement from the
Massachusetts General Hospital regarding David
Brudnoy
From Greg
Robbins, MD, MGH Infectious Disease Division, and John Clark, MD,
MGH Cancer Center
WBZ Radio talk
show host David Brudnoy was admitted to Massachusetts General
Hospital Dec. 3 because of a recurrence of Merkel cell carcinoma,
the disease that kept him off of the air last fall and winter
while he underwent treatment. The cancer, which had been in
remission until several weeks ago, has spread to his liver,
affecting the functioning of that organ. As a consequence of the
disease, his kidneys also are failing.
Because of the
recurrence of cancer and the multi-organ failure, his condition is
terminal. Mr. Brudnoy has asked that he receive only comfort care.
He continues to be alert and is resting comfortably.
Merkel cell
carcinoma is a very rare and highly aggressive form of skin cancer
characterized by malignant cells that begin to form just beneath
the skin and in hair follicles. This type of cancer grows rapidly
and often spreads to other parts of the body.
Mr. Brudnoy has
been treated at the MGH for HIV infection for more than a decade,
and his immune system has steadily improved with the ongoing use
of HIV medications. Merkel cell carcinoma is not related to HIV
disease.
NOTE:
Mr. Brudnoy
has asked the MGH on his behalf to express his deepest
appreciation for the thoughts, words and gestures of kindness as
well as the many cards and flowers he has received. He also has
asked the hospital to remind his friends and listeners about the
David Brudnoy Fund for AIDS Research, which he established a
decade ago to help in the ongoing fight against HIV disease
locally as well as internationally. For more information about the
fund contact the MGH at (617) 726-2200.
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PETER BEINART'S '50S REVIVAL.
I'm not going to attempt a detailed response to Peter Beinart's
"argument for a new liberalism," the cover
story (sub. req.) in this
week's New Republic. But you should read it. I have some
fundamental disagreements with Beinart's analysis, but his essay is
subtle and complex, and he has answers for all of my disagreements,
even if I find those answers inadequate.
A bit of background: for TNR
to prescribe a new path for the Democratic Party is itself
significant. For many years the magazine, a longtime voice of
liberalism, railed against what editor-in-chief/part owner Marty
Peretz saw as the excesses of liberalism - especially affirmative
action, welfare, and a contemptible instinct for coddling Palestinian
terrorists. (I strongly disagree with TNR's stance on affirmative action, which I think is a vital tool for
building a decent society.)
TNR's vision was largely
fulfilled by the 1992 election of a centrist Democrat, Bill Clinton,
as president, but it faltered when Peretz's friend Al Gore lost
(well, not lost, but you know what I mean) to George W. Bush
in 2000. In a sense, Beinart's essay is a return to the New
Republic of the pre-Clinton years, in that he is attempting to
redefine liberalism as something less liberal than prevails in
Democratic circles today.
Beinart's main argument is that the
Democratic Party has to start taking totalitarian Islam seriously,
just as the Democratic Party of Harry Truman took communism seriously
in the late 1940s and '50s. And just as the Democrats of a half-century ago
cast out squishes like Henry Wallace, so should the Democrats of
today distance themselves from Michael
Moore and MoveOn.org,
which Beinart sees as profoundly unserious about terrorism - even to
the point of opposing our entirely justified war in
Afghanistan.
There are some problems with this.
For one thing, there is some internal incoherence to Beinart's
argument. At one point, for instance, Beinart writes, "The three
candidates who made winning the war on terrorism the centerpiece of
their campaigns - Joseph Lieberman, Bob Graham, and Wesley Clark -
each failed to capture the imagination of liberal activists eager for
a positive agenda only in the domestic sphere." Yet he fails to point
out that among Clark's most prominent backers was Moore - not to
mention the great political philosopher Madonna, whose politics, I
assume, spring from the Moore/MoveOn wing of the party.
For another, Beinart acknowledges,
yet gives insufficient emphasis to, the reality that the Bush
administration essentially hijacked the struggle against terrorism by
launching an unjustified war in Iraq. This tragic error is now the
overarching foreign-policy issue. And it does little good to argue
that Iraq is actually a diversion from the battle against
terrorism when Bush has done such a good job of convincing the public
that it is at the heart of the war on terrorism. In the past
election, it didn't help that John Kerry had voted in favor of the
war - even though Beinart thinks that was the right thing to
do.
So tied up is Beinart in visions of
Truman, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., and John Kennedy that at one point he
actually argues that Democrats should blast Bush's deficit spending
because it's made it harder to increase military spending, rhetoric
that would echo Kennedy's 1960 campaign.
To be sure, there was a certain
muddled quality to Kerry's message. For the most part, though, I
think the Democrats are right where Beinart thinks they ought to be.
For the party to win, it needs to sharpen its message about why the
war in Iraq is wrong. For Democrats to argue that they would be tougher than the
Republicans but more competent calls to mind an
old Truman line: "If it's a
choice between a genuine Republican, and a Republican in Democratic
clothing, the people will choose the genuine article, every
time."
JESUS CHRIST!
This
non-ecumenical message
is brought to you by the fine folks at Clear Channel, the Texas-based
chain that owns more than 1000 radio stations, that contributes
big-time to George W. Bush, and that yanked the Dixie Chicks off its
country stations after they had the gall to criticize the Great
Leader.
And, oh yeah, it's giving us
"progressive
radio" in
Boston.
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Monday, December 06, 2004
BIG AWARD FOR BARON.
Boston Globe editor Martin Baron will be honored as the 2004
Beveridge Editor of the Year, according to this
Associated Press report (via Romenesko).
According to the website of the National
Press Foundation, which
awards the Beveridge,
"The award is open to an editor at any level, is made in recognition
of imagination, professional skill, ethics and an ability to motivate
staff - qualities that produce excellence in media."
Other National Press Foundation
winners are Tim Russert and Seymour Hersh.
A couple of sidelights about
Baron's award:
- The 2003 winner was Sandra Mims
Rowe, the editor of the Oregonian. Rowe had been a candidate
to succeed
retiring Globe editor Matt
Storin in the summer of
2001 before publisher Richard Gilman turned to Baron, then the
executive editor of the Miami Herald and a veteran of the
Los Angeles Times and the New York Times.
- The 2002 winner was Howell
Raines, then the executive editor of the New York Times. Of
course, in 2003 Raines was forced to resign over his brutal
mismanagement of the
Jayson Blair scandal. In
May 2004, the Atlantic Monthly published a monumental
post-mortem by Raines in which, among other things, he cited Baron as
a model:
[T]he feverish
pace also underscored some of my weaknesses. One of these is to
respond to great staff effort by demanding that the next day we do
"more, better, faster" in the words of Martin Baron, the similarly
inclined editor of The Boston Globe.
That drew a letter from Baron,
published in the July/August issue that began:
Howell Raines endeavors to
pull me into his orbit by invoking my desire to get "more, better,
faster" from a newsroom. Having never worked for or with him, I
can't speak from experience about his approach to managing a news
staff. I imagine our styles differ quite a bit.
My model (and mentor) is his
predecessor, Joe Lelyveld, who is deplorably mistreated and
inaccurately portrayed in Raines's assessment of The New York
Times.
Somehow I don't think Baron and
Raines will be sitting together at the awards dinner.
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THE BOB AND ED SHOW. CBS has
posted a three-minute clip of Ed Bradley's fine interview with Bob
Dylan, broadcast last night on 60 Minutes. Bradley properly
discloses that Dylan's book, Chronicles: Volume I, was
published by a corporate sibling, the Viacom-owned Simon &
Schuster - which, unfortunately, is just the way things are these
days. Anyway, if you missed it - and why, might I ask? - be sure at
least to catch these
highlights.
Here
is a reasonably complete account of the interview. But you really
need to see it. Dylan appears to be struggling mightily with his
legendary shyness; he also seems to want to come off as reasonably
normal, which is a struggle for him. Good stuff - a far better
addition to 60 Minutes than the pending arrival of Dan Rather,
that's for sure. I'd bounce Rather from the anchor chair at the
CBS Evening News right now, and let Zimmy fill in until a
replacement is ready.
The Phoenix's Jon Garelick
recently wrote
an insightful review of Chronicles.
THE PRINCE OF DARKNESS
SPEAKS. Syndicated columnist Robert Novak, the journalist who
outed
former undercover CIA operative Valerie
Plame, has not been
threatened with jail for refusing to reveal his source, while other
journalists more peripherally involved are facing prison - including
New York Times reporter Judith Miller, who's never even
written about the case, but whose name apparently came up in
connection with the leak investigation.
This has led to at least some
speculation that Novak is in fact the subject of a criminal
investigation, and that that is the reason he hasn't been subpoenaed.
But Novak - who up until now has been completely silent on the matter
- partially addressed the issue during a talk last Wednesday in
Madison, Wisconsin.
According
to the Capital Times,
Novak said, "To the regret of many people, I am not a criminal
target." A student tried to get him to expand on that incomplete
answer, but Novak wouldn't bite. (Via Romenesko.)
Which leaves a puzzling question:
why is special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald going easy on
Novak, if that's what he's doing? Is it because Novak is an ally of
the White House? Or is it because Fitzgerald is saving Novak for
last?
FAILING TO DIG BIG.
Boston Globe ombudsman Christine Chinlund today
fails
to offer a clear answer in
the matter of two recent op-ed-page controversies involving the
leak-infested Big Dig. She writes that she wishes officials of
Bechtel/Parsons Brinckerhoff, the project manager, had been willing
to rework their op-ed submission so that it could have been
published, but she doesn't specify what was wrong with it to begin
with. And she punts on the matter of whether former Mass Pike general
counsel Peter Pendergast's piece was so riddled with errors that it
never should have run in the first place.
Well, let me try to sort this
out.
1. Bechtel's
op-ed, published as a
full-page ad in the Herald after it was rejected by the Globe, was nothing more than a response
to the Globe's negative - and apparently entirely accurate -
reporting. According to Chinlund, the Globe offered to run the
op-ed as a letter. That would have been fine.
2. As for Pendergast's November 15
column, which was challenged
by three prominent people
(including former governor Jane Swift), Chinlund quotes
editorial-page editor Renée Loth as saying, "Many times
disputes of 'fact' are really about argument or point of view." But a
re-read of Pendergast's
column reveals that to be a
problematic response. He made very specific, factual assertions.
Op-ed-page co-editor Nick King
adds, "We don't have the resources to fact-check our op-ed pieces. We
carefully talk to the author. In this case, we had some back and
forth ... but there is an element of faith and trust. Especially with
writers who come from a background of expertise in the
area."
Granted, it's hard to vet outside contributions as thoroughly as they ought to be. But if Pendergast's column was as
off-base as his critics allege, then what was missing was basic
editing of the sort you would hope the paper would apply to all of
its pieces, whether they're written by staff columnists or outsiders.
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Saturday, December 04, 2004
BUSHONOMICS MADE SIMPLE. The
New York Times' James Brooke and Keith Bradsher
explain
one of the effects of the trade deficit, a longtime problem that has
been exacerbated by the Bush administration's irresponsible fiscal
policies:
[O]fficials at the
State Administration of Foreign Exchange in Beijing have been
seeking higher yields by plowing billions of dollars a month into
bonds backed by mortgages on houses across the United States,
according to bankers who help Beijing manage the money. By helping
keep mortgage rates from rising, China has come to play an
enormous and little-noticed role in sustaining the American
housing boom.
Keep that in mind the next time
you're wondering why the White House won't criticize China's
appalling human-rights record.
Be sure to read the last two
paragraphs. At least there's something to laugh about.
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Friday, December 03, 2004
DOES HILLARY HAVE A METHODIST
PROBLEM? Senator Hillary Clinton is a Methodist, and by all
accounts a serious one. Whatever its origins, Methodism these days is
seen as a liberal mainline denomination. I'm no expert, but in my own
mind I would place it just ever so slightly to the right of
Congregationalism.
Now the United Methodist Church has
defrocked
the Reverend Beth Stroud for coming out as a lesbian involved in an
ongoing relationship. Will this have political implications? Doesn't
everything?
Clinton is routinely described as
the frontrunner for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2008.
This is lazy punditry; if you think about her political shortcomings
and her own public statements, it's more likely than not that she'll
never run for president. Still, it's certainly a possibility, and
there's no doubt that some elements of the party want her to
run.
Well, now Clinton may find herself
in a difficult position with her own church. If she supports church
leaders, she risks alienating gay and lesbian voters. If she supports
Stroud, she risks alienating cultural moderates. In other words,
she's in pretty much the same position that John Kerry was with
respect to his Catholicism and his nuanced stand on same-sex
marriage.
I found myself genuinely surprised
by the Methodists' actions, and realized I know even less about them
than I'd assumed. Coming as this did during a week when the United
Church of Christ (i.e., the Congregationalists and a few
related denominations) are getting all sorts of attention because
CBS
and NBC won't run its pro-gay ad,
it seems that perhaps the hopes of building a significant liberal
religious movement are rather slim.
Then again, George
W. Bush is a Methodist,
isn't he?
THE GREAT GROVER CLEVELAND.
Must
reading today on our
22nd
and 24th president from the
Daily Howler. If you're scratching your heads, rest assured that this
is mostly about Fox News's utterly clueless Chris Wallace.
STEROIDS DON'T WORK. How
else do you explain
Jeremy Giambi?
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Thursday, December 02, 2004
NEWS OF THE WIKI. What is
wiki news? Damned if I know. John Mello tries
to figure it out - and
quotes ignorant me - at TechNewsWorld.
Just to prove that I'm not 100
percent ignorant, wiki news - and an actual demonstration of it,
known, fortuitously enough, as Wikinews
- is news produced on a collective basis using software that allows
people to collaborate on Web pages. As envisioned by Wikinews, the
content will be produced by amateur volunteers. Supposedly it will be
more impartial and fact-oriented than blogs, since other users can
log in and revise stories that they find too attitudinal.
It doesn't sound promising -
especially when you consider that the stories posted so far are
rewrites from mainstream media sources. Also, since everything is
subject to "peer review," how can you call it "news"? "Olds" is more
like it.
Wikinews is associated with the
Wikipedia,
a volunteer-produced free encyclopedia that is rapidly becoming a
reference of choice. Often I'll find stuff in the Wikipedia that's
deeper and that appears to be better than what's available in my
academic subscription to the Encyclopedia
Britannica.
But there's the ever-present
question of who's producing what. With the Britannica, I can
assume that editors put quite a bit of thought into each entry,
starting with which experts should be asked to contribute in any
particular field. With the Wikipedia - well, who knows?
Wiki news - and Wikinews - will be
worth watching, but I've got my doubts.
A PYRRHIC VICTORY. Though
I'm certainly glad that WJAR-TV (Channel 10) investigative reporter
Jim Taricani will probably not have to go
to prison, there's
something galling about the fact that the judge and the special
prosecutor got what they wanted.
Taricani is blameless - it was his
source, defense attorney Joseph Bevilacqua Jr., who finally stepped
forward. But the Taricani case, unfortunately, now stands as an
example of how the government can pressure journalists in order to
obtain the names of confidential sources.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. Why that video of a marine
shooting an insurgent in
Fallujah has already started to fade.
posted at 9:25 AM |
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Wednesday, December 01, 2004
THE PASSION OF JOE TRIPPI.
Howard Dean's campaign manager, Joe Trippi, offered his prescription
for what's wrong with the Democratic Party and how to fix it on the
editorial page of yesterday's Wall Street Journal. If you're
into conspiracy theories, you might ponder the fact that the leading
forum of ultraconservatism would choose to post Trippi's decidedly
left-leaning thoughts. It could be that Paul Gigot hopes the
Democrats will take Trippi's advice even more than Trippi
does.
Trippi's piece is online
here.
And though he's got some smart things to say, for the most part
Trippi shows that he fundamentally misunderstands the phenomenon he
helped to create, a phenomenon that was reaching its peak - lest we
forget - just about one year ago.
I'll get to some of Trippi's
specific observations in a moment. In general, though, what Trippi
doesn't get is that, in retrospect, it's clear that there never was a
Dean campaign. There was a Trippi campaign, and for a while it was
impressive. But Dean himself - a smart, somewhat unpleasant, fiscally
conservative former governor from a microscopic state - was never
more than a blank slate on which Trippi could try out his innovative
ideas. By using the Internet to build a decentralized, grassroots
campaign, Trippi was able to capitalize on Democratic anger toward
the Bush administration and especially its war policies at a time
when the more-mainstream candidates were trying to take a more
cautious path.
Trippi generated a great deal of
excitement, especially among politically involved young people (a
tiny group), over the idea of an in-your-face anti-war movement. Dean
himself was never particularly important. If he was, well, maybe
someone might have actually voted for him. Instead, he was an
also-ran, filling the left-wing (despite Dean's actual views)
truth-telling slot that might have been taken by Dennis Kucinich had
Dean never run.
As to some specific points by
Trippi:
Mr. Kerry raised nearly
half of his war chest over the Internet. He was so successful at
this that he actually outspent the Bush campaign. But it was the
outsider campaign of Howard Dean, reviled by most of the
Democratic establishment, that pioneered the use of the Internet
to raise millions in small contributions; Mr. Kerry was just the
beneficiary as the party nominee. And it was the risk-taking Dean
campaign that forced the risk-averse Kerry campaign to opt out of
the public financing system. Had that decision not been forced on
Mr. Kerry, he would have been badly outspent by George Bush; he
would not have been competitive at all throughout the long summer
of 2004.
There is some truth to this.
Certainly John Kerry, a lifelong advocate of campaign-finance reform,
would not have opted out of public financing had Dean not essentially
forced him to do so. But the idea that no one understood how to raise
money on the Internet before Dean (actually, Trippi) is ridiculous.
The notion of using technology as a fundraising tool, especially by
outsiders, is an old one. Jerry Brown mentioned his 800 number every
chance he got in 1992. In 2000, John McCain constantly flogged his
website, and had some success raising money that way. Trippi took it
to a new level not because he understood something different about
the Internet, but because he built a campaign that specifically
appealed to young, technologically savvy, well-educated activists who
spent a lot of time online. Kerry didn't so much emulate Dean as he
did benefit from a change that was already taking place.
Next:
Mr. Kerry's lead among
young voters hid just how bad Election Day really was for
Democrats. In 2000, voters between 18 and 29 split their votes
evenly: nine million each for Mr. Bush and Al Gore. But in 2004,
two million more voters in this age group turned out to vote. And
while Mr. Bush won the same nine million, 11 million voted for Mr.
Kerry. But when we set aside his two million new younger voters,
the true disaster is revealed. In 2000, Mr. Gore and Ralph Nader
won a combined total of 54 million votes. This year Mr. Kerry and
Mr. Nader got 53 million (ignoring the two million new young
voters).
Mr. Kerry was a weaker candidate
than Mr. Gore. He lost so much ground among women, Hispanics, and
other key groups, that the millions in Internet money, the most
Herculean get-out-the-vote effort in party history, and the
largest turnout of young voters in over a decade, couldn't save
him. Had the young stayed home, the sea of red on the map would
have grown to include at least Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and New
Hampshire - perhaps one or two more.
Is this really all that hard to
explain in terms other than "Kerry was a disaster"? Four years ago
Gore ran as the inheritor of a popular president and a legacy of
peace and prosperity. Bush was a lightly experienced former governor
who didn't seem all that bright. In 2004, by contrast, Kerry was
faced with the unenviable task of trying to defeat an incumbent
president during a time of war - something that's never been done -
and of trying to convince the country he would be more effective in
the fight against terrorism than a president who'd done a good job
selling the public, at least, on the notion that he'd stood up to the
terrorists.
Trippi continues:
Since the Democratic
Leadership Council, with its mantra of "moderate, moderate,
moderate," took hold in D.C., the party has been in decline at
just about every level of government. Forget the Kerry loss. Today
the number of Democrats in the House is the lowest it's been since
1948. Democrats are on the brink of becoming a permanent minority
party. Can the oldest democratic institution on earth wake from
its stupor?
Trippi seems to forget that Bill
Clinton was elected president twice by chanting the DLC mantra of
"moderate, moderate, moderate." I've got some problems with
Clintonism, but, politically at least, Trippi cannot credibly claim
that it didn't work. It's true that Kerry campaigned as a centrist,
and he's got some genuinely moderate credentials. But it's equally
true that, in some ways (like his voting record), Kerry was the
Democrats' most liberal nominee since Walter Mondale in 1984. I don't
think it was his liberalism that did Kerry in; more likely, it was
his difficulty in communicating a simple, understandable message to
ordinary people. (Not that that would have necessarily worked,
either; Bush's advantages were considerable.) But Trippi simply can't
say that the Democrats have been laid low by rightward drift. The
party needs a coherent message; maybe, as Trippi suggests, that
message can be liberal. But lacking a message shouldn't be confused
with Trippi's own ideological longings.
Trippi closes with a grocery list
of micro-recommendations, including trying to give a boost to
organized labor - as if the Democrats weren't trying to do that
already. Trippi sensibly whacks Wal-Mart for paying "substandard
wages with no real benefits," and he wonders why the Democrats can't
take advantage of that. Unfortunately, the Republicans have figured
out that more people shop at Wal-Mart than work
there.
So what's the way back for
Democrats? At the presidential level, I actually think it's pretty
clear: a Clinton-like figure who can connect with ordinary voters on
populist/liberal issues such as the economy, health care, college
tuition, and the like; who doesn't betray the party's progressive
ideals on such matters as gay rights, but who can at least
communicate with cultural conservatives (this is how you win over
moderates; the religious right is obviously lost to the Democrats,
and it ought to stay lost); and who can at least reach the threshold
of credibility on matters of national security. (In reality, the
Republicans have zero credibility, so this is about communication
more than it is actual policy.)
Joe Trippi is obviously one of the
guys that Democrats ought to talk to. Just so long as they don't take
him too seriously.
ELECTION FRAUD ROUNDUP. In
today's Globe Brian Mooney's got a
comprehensive overview of
what we know about voting problems in the presidential campaign. Yes,
it's a mess. No, Kerry didn't win. I remain intrigued by this story,
but have yet to see any evidence that there was such massive fraud as
to call the outcome into doubt.
MEDIA LOG PREDICTION.
Remember, you read it here first. Former state senator Cheryl
Jacques, who resigned
yesterday as the top
official at the Human
Rights Campaign, will move
to Cambridge. The city's congressman, Mike Capuano, will run for
governor in 2006. And Jacques will run for Congress, standing a much
better chance of winning than she did in the special election of 2001
to replace the late Joe Moakley, a contest won by Steve
Lynch.
There is a certain purity in this
prediction: it is based on absolutely no knowledge
whatsoever.
STAY TUNED. Check out the
website of WBIX
Radio (AM 1060), which is
remaining on the air after dumping all of its employees yesterday. A
shame ... but if the Brad Bleidt scandal proves anything, it's that
the money was never there. (Globe coverage here;
Herald coverage here.)
WHY GOD MADE TABLOIDS. John
Strahinich has a
great story in today's
Herald on some troubling fundraising questions involving the
late Molly Bish and the Masons.
SPINELESS WIMPS. CBS and NBC
tell the United Church of Christ that being welcoming is
"too
controversial."
posted at 11:17 AM |
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MEDIA LOG ARCHIVES
Dan Kennedy is senior writer and media critic for the Boston Phoenix.