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Monday, February 28, 2005
DONE DEAL. The Lowell
Sun reports
that UMass Lowell radio station WUML
(91.5 FM) is moving ahead with plans
to broadcast former WBUR host Christopher Lydon and Lowell Spinners
baseball games. (Thanks to Media Log reader A.R.)
The students who run the station
reportedly turned out at an emotionally charged meeting last week, at
which university official Lou DiNatale (when did he move up there?)
said, "We don't want this winner-take-all thing where the students
run the whole thing or the administration runs the whole thing. We
really want some kind of a merger."
That makes sense, provided it's
carried out in the right way.
Two observations:
1. The Lydon announcement is
obviously the most interesting. Supposedly Lydon, the founding host
of The
Connection, will helm a
one-hour nightly talk show. Presumably it will be syndicated. Media
Log Central is actually a whole lot closer to Lowell than Boston is,
yet I can't pick up WUML when driving around the North Shore. A
podcast
would be nice, too. "Podcasts are thoroughly interesting to me,"
Lydon tells
the Globe's Scott Kirsner today.
2. The Spinners deal strikes me as
more dubious. According to the Sun, up until now the Spinners
have been carried on WCAP
(AM 980), a commercial station. That seems right. The Spinners, after
all, are a private, profit-making business, and I'm not sure a public
station such as WUML ought to be getting involved with them. For what
it's worth, North Shore Spirit baseball games are carried on
WESX
Radio (AM 1230) and seem to do very well.
TRIBUTE TO BRUDNOY.
Yesterday's memorial service for the late talk-radio legend David
Brudnoy was a deeply moving event. The Globe's Michael
Levenson's account is online here.
The highlights: the graceful manner
in which Brudnoy's former radio colleague Peter Meade presided over
the nearly three-hour testimonial; a few brief words from Brudnoy's
on-air successor, Paul Sullivan, who is himself battling cancer; and
a quiet, heartfelt tribute from Brudnoy's best friend, Ward
Cromer.
What was especially moving, though,
were the numerous photos and video clips of Brudnoy over the years,
accompanied by music recorded by Brudnoy's cousin Sharon Isbin, an
internationally renowed classical guitarist. The service closed with
excerpts from that astonishing interview Brudnoy gave as he lay dying
at Massachusetts General Hospital last December.
"Don't wait until people die to
tell them you love them," the raspy-voiced Brudnoy was heard saying
throughout Emerson College's Cutler Majestic Theatre. "We tend to be
very stingy about that."
posted at 10:29 AM |
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Saturday, February 26, 2005
MITT'S ANTI-FAMILY APPEAL.
Q: What's the difference between Orrin Hatch and Mitt Romney? A:
Hatch is the liberal. Check out this morning's Salt Lake
Tribune, in which the Utah senator and Calvin Coolidge look-alike
explains
his support for
embryonic-stem-cell research. Romney, of course, has come out against
such research as he moves forward with his campaign for president and
against the people of Massachusetts.
But the surest sign that Romney has
decided not to run for re-election as governor in 2006 is his
increasingly strident rhetoric about same-sex marriage, and even
civil unions. It's true that Romney has never favored either one. But
last spring, when the issue was being hashed out on Beacon Hill, Romney could have played a significant
obstructionist role and chose not to. Good for him. Now, though, he's
re-inventing himself as the Mormon version of James Dobson, and it's
unattractive, to say the least.
Today, both the Globe
and the Herald
report on Romney's remarks in Salt Lake City yesterday, in which he
called the Goodridge decision by the Massachusetts Supreme
Judicial Court, which legalized gay marriage, as a "blow to the
family," and said: "America cannot continue to lead the family of
nations around the world if we suffer the collapse of the family here
at home." Ugh.
Julie and Hillary Goodridge
immediately came forward and read a statement making the common-sense
observation that gay marriage has made it a lot easier for some
families to attain the recognition and equality they deserve. But
Romney was clearly not directing his remarks at the home-state
audience. Rather, he's trying to appeal to the hardcore right-wingers
who control the presidential nominating process in the Republican
Party.
The Salt Lake Tribune covers
Romney's remarks here;
and the Deseret News here.
Locally, Susan Ryan-Vollmar tears
into Romney in this week's
Bay Windows.
I believe it was Globe
columnist Scot Lehigh a couple of years ago who first noted the
phenomenon of Romney campaigning against the very state he
purportedly governs. Still, until this past week, I had thought
Romney would seek re-election in 2006, since a big win would probably
stand as his surest credentials for a presidential run. Now it seems
pretty obvious that he's decided otherwise.
By campaigning against gay and
lesbian families, Romney is hurting himself with the suburban
independents who elected him in 2002. If you took a survey of these
people, they might tell you they don't like the idea of gay marriage,
although they'd probably support civil unions. But that's not really
the point. This is all about tone. Most people have a gay child or
sibling or co-worker or three. And whether they love the idea of
same-sex marriage or not, they're not going to like the idea of the
governor they voted for publicly trashing their family members and
friends.
Gay marriage has been legal for
almost a year now, and the sky hasn't fallen in. By all indications,
Massachusetts is becoming increasingly comfortable with it. And now
Romney wants to drag us backwards. It might wow them in South
Carolina and Utah, but it's not going to wow anyone here (nor, I
suspect, in notoriously libertarian New Hampshire in '08).
So, see ya, Mitt. And here's a
distinctly minority point of view: if Romney leaves early and Kerry
Healey gets to become governor, she's going to make folks forget her
predecessor in about two weeks. (I mean that in a good way.)
posted at 10:32 AM |
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Friday, February 25, 2005
JEFF GANNON'S GOT A BLOG.
He
writes: "I'm baaaaaaack!
If you thought I was going to slink away - then you don't know much
about me. Someone still has to battle the Left and now that I've
emerged from the crucible, I'm stronger than before."
And he links to a fine
commentary by the
Nation's David Corn (which he misspells "Korn") on why he
can't get all worked up about Gannongate. Media Log almost always
agrees with Corn - and this time is no exception.
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ABORTION RITES. The
creepiest story of the day - and perhaps a sign of what's to come -
is the news that Kansas attorney general Phill Kline is trying to
obtain the records of women and girls who've received late-term
abortions. According to the New York Times (check out this
blog-friendly permanent
link), Kline wants the
documents as part of a statutory-rape investigation. But Kline is a
pro-life activist, and it's telling that he's taking flack from
pro-choice forces and winning praise from pro-lifers.
According to the Times' Jodi
Wilgoren, Kline "also spoke obliquely of other crimes that court
documents suggest could include doctors' providing illegal late-term
abortions." Hmmm.
The Wichita Eagle publishes
an
editorial today that gets
right to the point. Some highlights:
The clinics offered to
give the attorney general copies with irrelevant private
information blacked out. But that apparently wasn't good enough.
Why not, if the purpose is to prosecute criminals, not harass
women who have sought abortions?
Why focus on records of patients
who had late-term abortions, after 22 weeks - even though many
underage teens presumably obtain abortions sooner - if the
intention is to punish sexual predators, not late-term abortion
providers?
And if sexual abuse of children
is the issue, then why doesn't Mr. Kline also subpoena others with
access to information about underage sex - school nurses, doctors,
social workers - to turn over private records?
...
But given the attorney general's
close political ties with anti-abortion activists, this latest
campaign seems designed to add to an atmosphere of hostility and
harassment faced daily by abortion providers - who, whatever one
might think of abortion, are offering a medical service that is
legal and protected under Kansas statute.
Is this sort of thing likely to
become more common? Sadly, the answer is probably yes.
THE MISSING CONTEXT.
Christopher Cooper and John McKinnon have an
excellent story in today's
Wall Street Journal on what a nutty show the daily White House
briefings have become. They write: "Once the clubby preserve of
big-name newspapers and networks, it has lately become a political
stage where a growing assortment of reporters, activists and bloggers
function not only as journalists but as participants in a unique form
of reality TV."
That's why I just can't get
outraged over the Jeff
Gannon saga. Amused, of
course. And somewhat perturbed about the hypocrisy, given what we
know what would have happened if, say, Bill Clinton had allowed a
ringer who was a former prostitute into the White House press room.
But outraged - you've got to be kidding.
BAILEY V. BLEIDT. The
Boston Herald's Greg Gatlin has more
on Boston Globe columnist Steve Bailey's complaint against his
erstwhile former part-time employer, Brad Bleidt, the admitted scam
artist who once ran WBIX Radio (AM 1060).
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Thursday, February 24, 2005
IS MARIO CUOMO PRO-LIFE?
More to the point, is Mitt Romney? I don't think anyone in his right
mind would describe Cuomo's nuanced position on abortion rights as
being "pro-life." And if Cuomo's not, then neither is
Romney.
The essence of the Cuomo position
is as follows: he's personally opposed to abortion, but he also
opposes efforts to outlaw abortion rights. The former New York
governor discussed
this as recently as last
June, on The NewsHour:
[T]he question
really is, are you in communion with your church if, for example,
you're a Catholic who accepts the abortion teaching, as I did, and
lived by it for say 50 years, which I have, but refuses to take
the position that now I have to make the whole society of
non-Catholics, non-believers, and even those Catholics who do not
accept abortion; I have to impose the law upon them or attempt
to.
Plain and simple, Cuomo is
pro-choice. It doesn't matter what his or any other politician's
personal beliefs are. If they support a woman's right to choose,
they're pro-choice. Is this difficult? I didn't think so.
Of course, now Romney - long
thought to have repositioned himself from pro-life to pro-choice for
his 1994 Senate run against Ted Kennedy - now appears to be trying to
move back to being thought of as a pro-life Republican. He's doing
this at a time when he is obviously becoming obsessed with running
for president in 2008.
Romney set off a mild furor with
his Monday-night speech in Spartanburg, South Carolina, speaking out
more strongly against gay civil unions than he has in the past,
repeating his opposition to embryonic-stem-cell research, and
flirting with the "pro-life" phrase, which, unfortunately, is pretty
much a necessity to run in the Republican primaries. Today the
Boston Globe's Raphael Lewis quotes
Romney as
saying:
I don't really describe my
position in one hyphenated word, I describe the same thing I have
for some time during this last campaign, and that is that I
personally do not favor abortion. I'm personally prolife, if
you will. But as the governor of the Commonwealth, I will not
change the prochoice laws of the Commonwealth. I will support
them, sustain them, keep them in place. And we haven't changed the
laws, and I will not change the laws as long as I'm
governor.
Earth to Mitt: there's a word for
this, and yes, it's hyphenated: pro-choice. You may not like
it. Many of us who favor abortion rights have always wondered about
your sincerity. But you've been in politics now for more than a
decade, and you've stuck with it - so much so that, when there was a
flurry of interest in your running for governor of Utah a few years
ago, some of your supporters were urging you to run as a
Democrat.
Romney will get a chance to show us
where he's at soon enough. As David Guarino notes in today's
Boston Herald, a bill making it easier for a woman to obtain a
"morning
after" pill will soon land
on his desk.
In the meantime, let's keep in mind
that no one likes abortion. That's why Bill and Hillary
Clinton have talked about making it "safe, legal, and rare," and why
Cuomo has always been careful to underscore his personal opposition.
But the Clintons and Cuomo are obviously pro-choice. And so is
Romney. So far.
BURYING THE LEAD. Check out
the last two paragraphs of Jeffrey Krasner's report
in today's Globe on the investigation into the tangled
finances of investment charlatan/radio entrepreneur Brad
Bleidt:
The receiver's report also
said that Boston Globe columnist Steve Bailey, who cohosted a
morning show on the radio station [WBIX], filed a claim
against Bleidt, one of his businesses, Asset Plus Asset
Management, and an affiliated brokerage. Bailey filed his claim
with the National Association of Securities Dealers, an industry
group and self-regulatory body. The nature of Bailey's claims was
not clear from the receiver's report.
In a Feb. 2 letter, Bailey told
NASD he wouldn't pursue claims against Bleidt or Asset Plus Asset
Management. Bailey declined to comment on the matter.
The Herald reports on the
Bleidt blight here.
NEW IN THIS WEEK'S
PHOENIX. Thoughts on Jeff
Gannon and the squeamish
mainstream media. Also, is the Herald for sale? And a piss
fight breaks out over who's a "self-hating" Jew.
posted at 11:04 AM |
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Wednesday, February 23, 2005
THE LOWELL CONNECTION. Would
Greater Boston be better off if WBUR Radio (90.9 FM) were run by
Boston University students? Of course not. Former general manager
Jane Christo had the insight that the station could serve the entire
community with news and information programming. As commercial radio
increasingly gave up on any notions of public service and localism,
'BUR grew into a vital media resource.
So it was with some mixed feelings
this morning that I read Greg Gatlin's account
in the Boston Herald of the battle over the UMass Lowell
student radio station, WUML (91.5 FM). According to Gatlin, the
university, having tried and failed with a morning show produced by
the Lowell Sun, is now seeking to expand its non-student
offerings, with Lowell Spinners baseball games and - get this -
possibly a program to be hosted by Christopher Lydon. Lydon, of
course, was fired by WBUR in 2001 in the midst of an ugly public
showdown with Christo.
"Help
Save Your Station" is the
message on the WUML website. The statement, which urges students to
contact university administrators, says in part:
This decision was made
without any input from the students who run WUML, and have done so
for the past 52 years. Our radio station is funded through the
student activities department, whose funds come from student
fees.
Student fees shouldn't be used to
fund the university's ambitions for a radio station with broader
reach. On the other hand, a radio station - particularly one not
owned by Clear Channel or one of the other big chains - is a precious
community resource. I'm sympathetic to the students, but they're not
the only ones affected by this.
The university has something that
is very difficult to get: a license from the FCC. There ought to be a
way for that license to benefit the residents of Greater Lowell as
well as the students at UMass. And wouldn't it be great for Lydon to
be back on the air? With Christo gone, it's not inconceivable that a
syndicated Lydon show could be picked up by - yes, WBUR.
posted at 9:23 AM |
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Tuesday, February 22, 2005
A TWO-DAILY TOWN. Eagle-eyed
Media Log reader A.S. points to two headlines in today's
papers.
"Snow
Doesn't Drive Down Sales"
- Boston Herald
"Snowstorm
Puts a Freeze on Auto Sales"
- Boston Globe
Even better: auto dealer Ernie Boch
Jr. is a major source in both stories.
posted at 10:24 AM |
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Monday, February 21, 2005
HUNTER S. THOMPSON,
1937-2005. One of the great chroniclers of the 1960s and beyond
has committed suicide at the age of 67. The San Francisco
Chronicle has the details.
Like a generation of readers, I
revere his 1971 drugs-and-paranoia-fueled Fear and Loathing in Las
Vegas. And if there has ever been a better presidential-campaign
book than Fear and Loathing: On the Campaign Trail '72, I am
not aware of it. You never knew whether a lot of the stuff Thompson
wrote was real or made-up - and unlike lesser lights, Thompson didn't
try to fool you one way or the other. But Thompson's work was always
true, far truer than the objective journalism of his day.
The last Thompson book I read was
Generation of Swine, a collection of his columns in the 1980s
for the San Francisco Examiner. It had its moments, but though
the fire hadn't quite burned out, it certainly wasn't burning as hot
as it had earlier in his career.
A true story: in the mid '70s, I
was working as a Northeastern co-op student for the Woonsocket (Rhode
Island) Call. George McGovern was speaking at Suffolk
University, and I had a chance to shout a question at him afterwards.
I remembered that Thompson, in Fear and Loathing: On the Campaign
Trail, had portrayed McGovern's first running mate, Senator Tom
Eagleton, as being far more mentally ill than had ever been publicly
acknowledged. In that light, Thompson saw McGovern's decision to
replace Eagleton with Sargent Shriver as patriotic rather than
politically craven, since McGovern had privately concluded that he
could not allow Eagleton to get into a position where he might
actually become president.
I asked McGovern whether Thompson's
account was correct. McGovern thought for a moment before calmly
replying: yes. I felt like I had a scoop of sorts.
(Note: For all I know, this is
brutally unfair to Eagleton. We know far more about mental illness
today than we did in the '70s. I am simply reporting what Thompson
wrote, and McGovern's reaction to it.)
Perhaps Thompson's last great piece
of political writing was his 1994 obituary of Richard Nixon,
published in Rolling Stone under the headline "He Was a
Crook." Unfortunately, it's been disappeared behind the Atlantic
Monthly's subscription-only website. But here is Thompson on the
campaign
trail '04:
Richard Nixon looks like a
flaming liberal today, compared to a golem like George Bush.
Indeed. Where is Richard Nixon now that we finally need
him?
If Nixon were running for
president today, he would be seen as a "liberal" candidate, and he
would probably win. He was a crook and a bungler, but what the
hell? Nixon was a barrel of laughs compared to this gang of thugs
from the Halliburton petroleum organization who are running the
White House today - and who will be running it this time next
year, if we (the once-proud, once-loved and widely respected
"American people") don't rise up like wounded warriors and whack
those lying petroleum pimps out of the White House on November
2nd.
Nixon hated running for
president during football season, but he did it anyway. Nixon was
a professional politician, and I despised everything he stood for
- but if he were running for president this year against the evil
Bush-Cheney gang, I would happily vote for him.
You bet. Richard Nixon would be
my Man. He was a crook and a creep and a gin-sot, but on some
nights, when he would get hammered and wander around in the
streets, he was fun to hang out with. He would wear a silk sweat
suit and pull a stocking down over his face so nobody could
recognize him. Then we would get in a cab and cruise down to the
Watergate Hotel, just for laughs.
Read the whole thing. And
mourn.
CHINLUND KICKS BUTT.
Mild-mannered Boston Globe ombudsman Christine
Chinlund today (1) calls
for the Globe to dump unfunny right-wing comic strip
Mallard Fillmore and (2) calls columnist Cathy Young's recent
characterization of Eric Alterman's views as those of a "self-hating"
Jew as being "not up to op-ed page standards," as well as "ad hominem
and inappropriate." (Click here
and here
for background.)
Young herself writes about
other
matters.
IT DEPENDS ON WHERE YOU SIT.
Here is New York Times sports columnist Murray
Chass today on the matter
of the Red Sox v. A-Rod:
In this new version of
"Get the good guy," the Red Sox are blameless. One player, Trot
Nixon, ignited the game with negative comments about Rodriguez
last week and a torrent of teammates have followed. But the
teammates' comments have not been unsolicited. They were at the
urging of reporters eager to inflame the game to incendiary
levels. They were all but handed a script.
Athletes have long accused
reporters of creating stories, and, sadly, this is one of those
instances. It has become one of the most distasteful instances I
have witnessed in 45 years of covering baseball.
And here is Boston Herald
columnist Howard
Bryant (sub.
req.):
The Sox spent the first
week of spring training assaulting Alex Rodriguez, who arrived at
Yankees camp yesterday battling a half-dozen Red Sox who haven't
forgotten The Fight or forgiven The Slap.
Trot Nixon called him a clown.
Curt Schilling doesn't like the guy. In a particularly rich
moment, Kevin Millar said he doesn't like Rodriguez drawing
attention to himself. Jason Varitek has already punched him.
Bronson Arroyo feels condescended to by him. David Wells hated
hearing Rodriguez talk like he was part of the dynasty.
The vitriol toward Rodriguez
is real. The Sox have turned the relationship into a street
fight, one that Rodriguez, who brought much of this on
himself, made clear yesterday he's not interested in
joining.
Well, I imagine that one of
them is right.
posted at 11:22 AM |
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Saturday, February 19, 2005
NOTES ON THE HERALD
VERDICT. Shortly before 4 p.m. on Friday, a low buzz started
among the reporters and other observers who had gathered to wait for the verdict in the
Boston Herald libel trial. Supposedly the 12-member jury -
supplemented earlier in the day by an alternate after one of the
regular jurors was dismissed for personal reasons - was unable to
come to a conclusion, and would be sent home until next Tuesday. The
groans were nearly audible.
But with no one really sure what
was going on, the several dozen people who had gathered in the
12th-floor courtroom hung around, waiting for some official word. It
came at 4:03, when the jurors took their place in the jury box and
handed their verdict to a court official. Boston Municipal Court
judge Charles Johnson, who presided over the month-long trial with
what might be called an excess of calm, spent several agonizing
minutes reading the verdict before it was finally
announced:
The Herald had been found to
have libeled Superior Court judge Ernest Murphy. Herald
reporter Dave Wedge was also found to have libeled Murphy. The case
was dismissed against Herald reporter Jules Crittenden, who'd
shared a byline with Wedge but who had not reported or written the
most controversial parts of the Herald's February 13, 2002,
story, which alleged that Murphy was a "wrist-slapping" judge who had
"heartlessly demeaned" victims of crime. The damages: $2.09
million.
The verdict gets plenty of
attention in today's papers. Start with Jack
Spillane's account in the
New Bedford Standard-Times. Spillane has done yeoman work in
covering the trial, and he's gotten the space needed to do it right.
New Bedford, you see, is in Bristol County, which is where this story
began three years ago. The New York Times covers the
case here;
the Boston Globe here;
and the Herald itself here.
Was it libel? I've got my doubts,
as I wrote
last week in the
Phoenix. Ultimately it will be up to the appeals courts to
decide. Murphy is a public official, and the Herald's
reporting involved how Murphy was performing his public duties as a
judge - reporting that is accorded the highest degree of First
Amendment protection. Under the Supreme Court's landmark 1964 New
York Times v. Sullivan decision, the jury had to find that the
Herald had acted with "actual malice" - a legal term that
means Wedge and his editors knew that their reporting was false, or
that they showed "reckless disregard" for whether it was true or
false.
In practical terms, that means
Wedge and his editors had to have harbored strong suspicions that
their reporting was false, but that they went ahead and published it
anyway. Murphy's lawyer, Howard Cooper, argued that was precisely the
case. But it seems more likely that Wedge allowed himself to get
caught up in a vendetta against Murphy by Bristol County district
attorney Paul Walsh, whose office was the source of quotes attributed
to Murphy that he had said of a 14-year-old rape victim, "Tell her to
get over it," and that he had dismissed concerns about a 79-year-old
robbery victim by saying, "I don't care if she's 109." Murphy had
emphatically denied saying any such thing about the rape victim, and
testified that his remark about the elderly robbery victim had been
twisted out of context.
Last evening Herald
publisher Pat Purcell issued a statement
vowing to appeal the verdict:
I would like to thank the
jury for their diligence on this very complicated case.
However, we believe the first
amendment allows news organizations to provide uninhibited
coverage of government and public figures and we will continue to
cover them vigorously.
We have complete faith in our
reporter David Wedge, and we are confident this decision will be
reversed on appeal.
Legalisms aside, the jury sent a
powerful message to the media about the dubious, inflammatory
reporting in which the Herald engaged. Wedge's first story was
essentially based on one anonymous first-hand source - later revealed to be
then-prosecutor David Crowley - who testified that Wedge got the
"gist" of it right, but mangled the "Tell her to get over it" part.
(In fact, the evidence showed that Murphy had more likely said "She's
got to get over it, which raises the possibility that he was actually
showing solicitude toward the victim - although Walsh testified that
neither he nor Crowley took it that way.)
Wedge, by his own testimony, did
not try to contact either of the two defense lawyers who were present
when Murphy allegedly made those remarks; both of those lawyers
testified that Murphy did not utter the offending statements. Wedge's
attempt to interview Murphy before that story ran consisted of
approaching a court officer at New Bedford Superior Court and being
rebuffed, he testified. He did confront Murphy outside a restaurant
the next day for a follow-up story; Murphy refused to speak with him,
which I had thought might be a mitigating factor in the
Herald's favor. Obviously the jury didn't agree. Nor did it
help that Wedge reported in his follow-up that the 14-year-old had
"tearfully" read a statement in court, when in fact the statement had
been read by a prosecutor; or that Wedge had gone on The O'Reilly
Factor and made statements that even his own reporting didn't
support.
In the hallway outside the
courtroom, after the verdict had been delivered, Herald
reporter Tom Mashberg, who chairs the Herald union's editorial
unit, read a statement in support of his colleague: "Our members are
disappointed by this verdict and are supremely confident it will be
overturned on appeal. David Wedge is an excellent reporter who worked
tirelessly to expose the sentencing practices of a powerful sitting
judge."
The afternoon, though, belonged to
Judge Murphy, surrounded by his lawyers and family members. A tall,
stocky man who towered over the press gaggle that surrounded him, he
decried the ordeal he'd gone through as a result of the
Herald's reporting and numerous follow-ups - including death
threats, a hate-filled message suggesting his own daughters should be
raped, and public characterizations of him as "Easy Ernie" and "Evil
Ernie." At one point, Murphy testified during the trial, he went out
and bought a .357 Magnum for protection.
"I think what happened to me should
be an example," Murphy said yesterday. "Innocent people, their lives
can be altered and they can be hurt immeasurably." He added: "I'm
proud of myself for standing up, I'm proud of my family for standing
by me." And he said that the verdict should stand as an "object
lesson" in "how powerful the press is." Cooper said there was "a
message here for the media." That message: "People like David Wedge
need to think before they put their fingers to the
keyboard."
Murphy also said he hopes to resume
his duties as a judge, and that he will hear criminal cases if he's
allowed. Among other things, he said he hopes that his ordeal will
focus new attention on "alternative sentencing" options, such as
rehabilitation for perpetrators addicted to alcohol or other drugs.
Judges, he said, must "exercise discretion."
Perhaps that was the most powerful
message of all yesterday. Because the truth is that what enraged
Bristol DA Walsh was Murphy's compassion. Regardless of whether
Murphy, behind closed doors and off the record, said things that
could be interpreted as insensitive toward victims of crime, the real
issue is Murphy's belief that not all criminals are beyond redemption
- that it makes no sense to destroy additional lives if there is
reason to believe that wrongdoers can be transformed into productive
members of society. That's not a popular message, especially with
prosecutors.
The Herald's Greg Gatlin
today quotes a prominent First Amendment lawyer, Robert Bertsche, on
why the Herald may win on appeal:
The sad thing about this
is it's clearly a story of public importance. There are questions
about this judge's record and whether he had been lenient, and
that is something that we and our newspapers should be talking
about. That's part of being in public office.
I think Bertsche is right, and I
quoted him to similar effect last week. Nevertheless, there are
numerous things the Herald could and should have done to avoid
legal trouble. One more day of checking would have made all the
difference.
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Friday, February 18, 2005
DAVID CORN ON NEGROPONTE AND
DEATH SQUADS. Click
here.
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DID NOVAK TALK? A Media Log
reader (I've forgotten who; Tim
Francis-Wright says it
wasn't him, and I've updated this item accordingly) suggested that I
look up Nina Totenberg's remarks on NPR from Wednesday morning. It
was an excellent suggestion: Totenberg offered the most plausible
explanation yet for why New York Times reporter Judith Miller
and Time magazine's Matthew Cooper face jail while syndicated
columnist Robert Novak - the journalist who actually revealed Valerie
Plame's identity as an undercover CIA "operative" - is apparently
being left alone.
The nickel backgrounder: Plame is
the wife of former ambassador Joseph Wilson, who was highly critical
of the Bush administration in the summer of 2003, claiming the White
House had ignored his earlier report that Saddam Hussein had not
sought uranium in Niger. Novak blew Plame's cover several weeks
later. There is at least a possibility that the "senior
administration officials" to whom Novak spoke acted deliberately to
ruin Plame's career in retaliation for Wilson's criticism.
Okay, back to NPR. Toward the end
of a brief interview with Morning Edition co-anchor Steve
Inskeep, Totenberg had this to say:
I can only speculate here.
Since Robert Novak was the prime mover in this story, we have to
assume, if we're speculating, that he has, in some measure,
cooperated with the prosecutors and said to them, "So-and-so gave
me this information, but he had no idea she was an undercover
agent. Therefore, he wasn't committing a crime. This wasn't part
of any larger strategy to discredit Ambassador Wilson." If there
wasn't any strategy, well, then other reporters wouldn't have been
called by the same source. So conceivably, what the prosecutor is
trying to do here is find out if there was a strategy to discredit
Ambassador Wilson and, if there was, if the people who had the
strategy knew that Valerie Plame was a covert operative didn't
care and disclosed her name anyway.
You can listen for yourself
here.
Totenberg's analysis makes a great
deal of sense. Remember, special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald is
trying to determine not just the identities of the "senior
administration officials" who ratted out Plame to Novak, but also
whether they committed a crime, something that is rather murky.
(Slate's Jack Shafer explained
this in October
2003.)
Totenberg's theory also matches up
well with the defense that Novak himself offered before he stopped
talking about this in public - a defense that I described in
a
Phoenix piece in
October 2003:
The idea
that Plame was covert, but not all that covert, has been at
the heart of Novak's defense. In an appearance on NBC's Meet
the Press this past Sunday (following Wilson; too bad host Tim
Russert couldn't get them on together), Novak stuck to the line he
took in his October 1 column, contending that the revelation had
been offered to him "off-handedly," and that he didn't attach all
that much importance to it. And though he conceded that he was
asked not to name her, he contended he wasn't asked with much
conviction.
"If they'd said
she was in danger, I never would have written the column," he
said. Indeed, he added, if his source really didn't want Plame
outed, all that person had to do was get [then-CIA
director] George Tenet on the phone.
Novak's account
was intriguing, raising the question of when a request not to name
an undercover CIA employee is sincere, and when it is merely
ass-covering. So, too, was Novak's explanation of why he
originally called Plame "an agency operative," which suggests
something rather serious: he said he tends to call lots of people
"operatives," including "political hacks," and that it was more
unthinking cliché on his part than considered description.
In fact, Novak said, she is an "analyst," and he challenged anyone
to look up his use of the word operative on Lexis-Nexis. I
took the challenge, and found that he has used the word about 200
times over the past 10 years. So score one for the Prince of
Darkness.
None of this
changes my view that Novak needs to come clean. We already know that
the Washington Post's Walter Pincus and Russert himself were
interviewed by Fitzgerald, and that they say they did not give up any
confidential sources. (For that matter, so did Cooper, until
Fitzgerald came after him again.) Novak needs to do
likewise.
THE PROCONSUL
COMES HOME. Slate's Fred Kaplan explains
why John Negroponte's appointment as national intelligence director
may bode well. I'm skeptical. I haven't forgotten Negroponte's role
in looking the other way at human-rights abuses in Central America in
the 1980s. And neither has Eric Alterman, who writes
about it in yesterday's
Altercation.
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Wednesday, February 16, 2005
BOYCOTT NOVAK. Now that
New York Times reporter Judith Miller and Time
magazine's Matthew Cooper have been dragged another step closer to
jail, it's time for the media community to rise up as one and call
out the Prince of Darkness, syndicated columnist Robert
Novak.
It is Novak, as much as anyone, who
knows the answer to the question that special prosecutor Patrick
Fitzgerald is asking: Which "senior administration officials"
revealed that Valerie Plame was an undercover CIA operative?
Novak was the first to reveal Plame's identity. Yet we still have no
idea what, if anything, has happened to him.
Was he subpoenaed? Did he
cooperate? (If so, why harass Cooper and Miller?) Has Novak
not been subpoenaed? If not, why not? Might he be the subject
of a separate criminal investigation? (On one of the very few
occasions that he's addressed the subject, he's said that he isn't.)
Or is he getting off easy because he's a Republican hatchet
man?
I don't know what ought to be done.
In 1972, the Supreme Court ruled in Branzburg v. Hayes that
journalists do not have a legal right to protect confidential sources
when called by a grand jury to testify. A majority of the justices
seemed to think there ought to be some sort of balancing test. But
the bottom line was that if a journalist's source was crucial to a
criminal investigation, and prosecutors couldn't get that information
anywhere else, then the journalist would have to give up her source
or go to jail.
As a public gesture of solidarity
with Cooper and Miller, newspapers ought to boycott Novak's column
until he explains what his role has been. CNN ought to keep him off
the air. I'm not saying that Novak should give up his sources. I'm
saying that we deserve a credible explanation from him as to what his
interactions with the special prosecutor have been, and why two of
his colleagues face jail (Miller never even wrote about the Plame
matter) while he goes about his glowering, unmerry way.
There are a zillion links out there
today. The New York Times covers the story here;
the Washington Post here.
I wrote about the government's increasing aggressiveness in going
after reporters' confidential sources here.
ALTERMAN V. YOUNG. Boston
Globe columnist Cathy Young responds
to Eric Alterman at Reason.com. What's missing from this is any
acknowledgment that she went 95 percent of the way toward calling
Alterman a "self-hating"
Jew. Column-writing is
rough, and it's supposed to be, but there are some expressions that
are simply out of bounds - and that was one of them. Absent that, I
wouldn't be all that interested in this spat - nor, I suspect, would
Alterman himself.
ROLE REFUSAL. Joe Hagan
reports
in the New York Observer that former 60 Minutes
Wednesday executive producer Josh Howard refuses to take the
blame for whatever he contributed to the Rathergate mess over those
phony National Guard documents. (I say "former," but that's unclear,
given that Howard has refused to resign.) Lawyers and threats of
lawsuits are said to be in the air.
As Hagan observes, it's "hard to
see how Mr. Howard would escape any culpability. Few dispute that Mr.
Howard could have stopped the report from airing had he executed his
full powers." Still, the prospect of Howard's going after higher-ups
- including CBS president Leslie Moonves - is bound to keep this
story churning. And ensure that CBS News remains in complete turmoil
for some time to come.
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Tuesday, February 15, 2005
ALTERMAN AND THE GLOBE.
On February 7, Boston Globe columnist Cathy Young referred
to a recent commentary by Eric Alterman - a liberal pundit who is
also Jewish - as "anti-Semitic" (or would be if it had been written
by "a non-Jew," she wrote), or even as evidence that Alterman is a
"self-hating" Jew. (Young's column is online here.)
Alterman's offense, in Young's
eyes: expressing some understanding for the British Muslim Council's
decision to boycott the 60th-anniversary ceremonies surrounding the
liberation of Auschwitz. Alterman, Young noted, had written on his
MSNBC.com weblog, Altercation:
[T]he Palestinians
have also suffered because of the Holocaust. They lost their
homeland as the world - in the form of the United Nations -
reacted to European crimes by awarding half of Palestine to the
Zionists.... To ask Arabs to participate in a ceremony that does
not recognize their own suffering but implicitly endorses the view
that caused their catastrophe is morally idiotic.
Wrote Young:
The expectation that a
commentator's views must be in lockstep with his or her ethnic,
religious, or sexual identity is always distasteful - particularly
when blacks, women, gays, or Jews are labeled "self-hating" when
they refuse to toe the perceived party line.
Then again, maybe the
"self-hating" label is justified on occasion. That's what I
found myself thinking when I read a stunning recent commentary by
author and pundit Eric Alterman ...
This is rough, nasty stuff - way
out of bounds, in Media Log's view - and I've been wondering when
Alterman would respond in public. The answer: today. In a long post
on Altercation, he introduces
readers to the dispute and
reproduces correspondence he's had with the Globe, including
ombudsman Christine Chinlund and Nick King, an editor of the
Globe's op-ed page. He also reproduces letters from
supporters. Read the whole thing - my attempt at summarizing this
really doesn't do it justice.
People who know Alterman also know
he's fierce in defending his views and himself. This isn't going
away. Indeed, he writes:
There are many
journalistic issues raised here regarding the Globe editors'
irresponsibility in allowing it to be used by a know-nothing
ideologue like Young, and I hope to deal with most of them in
the future, here and in The Nation. [Alterman is the media
critic for that magazine.] Today I am merely providing the
record of my correspondence with the newspaper.
In other words, today is just the
first installment in what is likely to be a long, ugly battle.
Indeed, the title of Alterman's post hints at just how ugly this
could get: "Slandered in the Globe."
Perhaps Young will write about this
herself next Monday. Chinlund's next column would normally run next
Monday as well. This could be interesting.
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Monday, February 14, 2005
MY KIND OF SCANDAL. The
outraged anti-Bushies can't understand why many liberal bloggers -
including Media Log - are not going ballistic over the latest on Jeff
Gannon. Well, let me try to explain: we like the idea of gay
hookers attending White House press briefings, and think there should
be more of them. (Gay hookers in the White House, that is, not press
briefings.)
Two theories: a) there's
nothing better than hypocrisy exposed, especially when it comes to
the moral-values crowd; and b) there's no need for me to get
all hot and bothered, because Jerry Falwell, James Dobson, Pat
Robertson, Cal Thomas, or whoever is going to erupt soon enough, at
least after he's stopped looking at the pictures.
And by all means let's hear more
about the Valerie Plame connection. Was the White House really
whispering sweet nothings about this into Gannon's ear?
Sorry, I just can't get serious
about this. So the only place I can think to send you is
Wonkette.
She's got the goods, the links, and - in this case - precisely the
right attitude. Click here,
here,
and here.
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IF YOU'VE SEEN ONE NUKE PLANT,
YOU'VE SEEN THEM ALL. Media Log poster/critic Anthony G. points
me to this
rather unsettling item by
Brad Friedman. Hey, maybe both facilities were built from the same
set of plans!
More likely, though, that CNN has
another embarrassment on its hands. But let's be clear: this is
almost certainly an embarrassment of the stone-dumb-editing variety,
nothing more.
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A TOOL, NOT A REVOLUTION.
Bloggers didn't force the resignation of Janet Cooke from the
Washington Post. Stephen Glass did not depart from the New
Republic under a hail of Little Green Footballs. Ditto for
Patricia Smith and Mike Barnicle at the Boston Globe, Jayson
Blair at the New York Times, and Jack Kelley at USA
Today.
Yes, the departure of all these
miscreants might have occurred more quickly if bloggers had been
deconstructing their work in real time. In particular, the
Post might have been spared from actually having to return
Cooke's Pulitzer. But the notion that the MSM (and hasn't that
acronym grown tiresome already?) never took care of their own until
the bloggers came along is ridiculous on its face.
The theme of the day is that the
bloggers took down Eason Jordan just as they took down Dan Rather,
and good God almighty, what have they wrought? Please. Jordan went
down because he'd been on double secret probation since his
outrageous
2003 op-ed in the New
York Times, in which he admitted that CNN had played down the
crimes of Saddam Hussein in part to maintain the network's access.
After two members of Congress, Barney Frank and Chris Dodd, went
public with their anger over Jordan's suggestion at Davos that US
troops had deliberately targeted journalists, Jordan's support
crumbled in a matter of days.
As for Rather, the bloggers
certainly played a role in calling attention to the likely phoniness
of CBS's National Guard documents. But if the MSM hadn't been able to
push the story forward, Mary Mapes would still be employed at the
network.
On Sunday, the Washington
Post's Howard
Kurtz had a thumbsucker on
What It All Means, and today a troika
does the same in the New York Times. Kurtz's is the more
insightful, and not because he quotes me. The fact is that media
scandals have been taking place for years, and they will continue to
take place. Bloggers make a difference on the margins - speeding
things up, pushing the story forward, unearthing tidbits that
otherwise might have gone unnoticed.
Blogging's become an important
check on mainstream news organizations - but it's not a
revolution.
JORDAN ADDENDUM. Boston
Herald reporter Jules Crittenden, a former embed,
takes
a swipe at Steve Lovelady,
managing editor of CJR Daily, who, in an e-mail to Jay Rosen,
refers to Jordan's tormenters as "salivating
morons" who comprised a
"lynch mob."
JUST CHANGE THE NAME. If
Laura Bush wants to shake things up in the East Wing, that's fine
with me. Come on - who cares? But imagine what we'd be hearing if
Hillary Clinton had fired a chef brought in by Barbara Bush. Now read
this
piece by the New York
Times' Elisabeth Bumiller.
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Saturday, February 12, 2005
THE STRANGE DEPARTURE OF EASON
JORDAN. The CNN chief news executive has resigned because of his
remarks
in Davos, which have been
characterized as accusing US troops of deliberately firing on
journalists. Yet we still don't know exactly what he said; neither a
transcript nor a tape has been released.
Howard Kurtz has a full
account in today's
Washington Post. I was not surprised to learn that Jordan's
influence has been waning of late, and that his bosses were getting
sick of the controversy. Kurtz is often criticized for his dual roles
as an employee of both the Post and CNN, but in this case that
seems to have provided him with more insight into what's going on at
CNN than most reporters would have.
Jay Rosen has a roundup
of blog commentary, mostly
from the right. I have to agree with Jordan critics such as
Glenn
Reynolds, who say that
releasing the tape could only have made things worse. I mean, what
else are we to think?
On the other hand, can we please
interrupt the self-congratulatory hooting from conservative bloggers
for a moment in order to offer some kudos to two liberals,
Congressman Barney Frank and Senator Chris Dodd? It was their outrage
that lifted this out of the usual left-right paradigm.
I meant to link to this the other
day, but Danny Schechter's got a useful
perspective on this,
too.
Finally: I still want to see the
tape.
posted at 9:49 AM |
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Friday, February 11, 2005
FEHRNSTROM RESPONDS.
Governor Mitt Romney's communications director, Eric Fehrnstrom,
sends an e-mail to Media Log about yesterday's
link to Bay Windows.
Fehrnstrom writes:
1) Governor Romney hired
Katherine Abbott. Her sexual orientation had nothing to do with
the decision to bring her on board, and it had nothing to do with
her departure.
2) John Wagner is Governor
Romney's commissioner of the state welfare department, and is
married to a same sex partner. Ditto for Mitchell Adams, the
executive director of the Massachusetts Technology Collaborative,
whose members are appointed by the Governor. Both of them are
doing excellent jobs.
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Thursday, February 10, 2005
MORE ON THE ABBOTT FIRING.
Susan Ryan-Vollmar, writing in Bay Windows, observes that
Katherine Abbott is the second
lesbian to be fired by
Governor Mitt Romney after getting married. Ryan-Vollmar wants to
know: was this about snow,
or about Romney's ongoing campaign to suck up to the religious right
in advance of the 2008 presidential campaign?
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LIBEL, LIBEL EVERYWHERE.
Never in my wildest imagination did I ever think I would have to
devote an entire Media Log post to an update of local libel news. But
I do. So here we go:
The Herald libel
case. I've got a long piece on Superior Court judge Ernest
Murphy's libel suit against the Boston Herald, which you can
read here.
(Thanks to Phoenix staffers Deirdre Fulton and David Bernstein
for sharing courtroom duty with me.)
In today's Herald, Greg
Gatlin reports
on the testimony of Bristol County assistant DA Gerald FitzGerald,
which took place after the Phoenix's deadline. It turns out,
not surprisingly, that FitzGerald was the source of the infamous
"Tell her to get over it" quote about a 14-year-old rape victim,
which Murphy has denied ever saying.
Herald reporter Dave Wedge's
only direct source, former prosecutor David Crowley, testified on
Tuesday that Murphy actually said something more like "She's got to
get over it." However, Crowley said that the Herald got the
"gist" of it right.
I'm sympathetic to Murphy, who was
put through a very public kind of hell. But this isn't
libel.
An old Globe libel
case. Last week, the Boston Globe easily
won a libel case brought by
a Stoneham lawyer. Today, an older - and considerably more
fascinating - case rears its head.
Three years ago, the Globe
lost a libel suit to Dr. Lois Ayash, who argued she had been defamed
by the paper's coverage of the circumstances surrounding the 1995
death of Globe columnist Betsy Lehman. Lehman and another
woman were both given overdoses of anti-cancer medication; Lehman
died, and the other woman was seriously injured. (She later died as
well.)
The Globe lost after a
default judgment was entered against the paper, the consequence of a
decision by the paper and reporter Richard Knox (now with NPR) to
refuse to identify a confidential source. A judgment of $2.1 million
was entered against the Globe, and that judgment was upheld
yesterday by the state's Supreme Judicial Court. (Herald
report here;
Globe report here.)
Here's part of yesterday's
SJC decision that addresses
the matter of Knox's confidential source (for clarity, I've removed
citations without using ellipses):
This is clearly not a case
where the Globe defendants were unable to comply with the orders.
We do not suggest that their refusals to obey the discovery orders
were in bad faith. Despite their assertions to the contrary,
however, the Globe defendants had no special constitutional or
statutory testimonial privilege, based on their status as a
newspaper publisher or reporter, that would justify their refusal
to obey the orders. We have recognized that values underlying the
First Amendment to the United States Constitution, and art. 16 of
the Amendments to the Massachusetts Constitution, may give rise to
a common-law privilege that would allow a news reporter to refuse
to reveal his sources. In deference to the effect that compelled
discovery has on free speech, and to avoid the "needless
disclosure of confidential relationships," our cases require a
judge ruling on discovery requests, on a showing that "the
asserted damage to the free flow of information is more than
speculative or theoretical," to conduct a balancing test between
"the public interest in every person's evidence and the public
interest in protecting the free flow of information." As has been
stated above, the judge carefully performed that balancing test
and properly concluded that, in this case, the plaintiff's need
for the requested information outweighed the public interest in
the protection of the free flow of information to the
press.
This is a classic case involving
the clash of libel law and the so-called reporter's privilege to
protect confidential sources. The Globe has said that it might
appeal yesterday's ruling to the US Supreme Court.
Libel mishegas. In today's
Globe, David Abel reports
that Suffolk County district attorney has sentenced five kids who
acted up at the Patriots rally to read and write essays on All
Souls, Michael Patrick MacDonald's celebrated memoir of growing
up on the mean streets of Southie.
Further inside the paper, though,
is an Alex Beam column recounting
the events behind - yes - a
libel suit filed against MacDonald by Richard Marinick, a former
state trooper who went bad, and who is described in All Souls
as having strangled MacDonald's wounded brother after a busted
heist.
DEFENDING THE MAINSTREAM
MEDIA. Steve Silver has some useful thoughts on the subject
here.
His main point is one I've been trying to make off and on for some
time: the blogger-MSM thing is a dialectic. A few blogs have proven
to be an incredibly useful corrective to what the mainstream media
puts out. But without the mainstream media, what would the bloggers
have to write about?
We need a fair, impartial, and
professional (as in "paid"; I'm not talking about any particular
credentials) media as much as ever. Just because the MSM consistently
falls short doesn't mean that the bloggers will or should take over.
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Wednesday, February 09, 2005
WHERE'S THE TAPE? Media Log
has withheld fire on the latest controversy involving CNN chief news
executive Eason Jordan for a simple reason: we still don't know
exactly what he said. But with the Internet swirling with indignation
over reports that Jordan accused US troops of deliberately firing on
journalists, it's time to ask an equally simple question: where is
the tape?
Here's what we know. On January 27,
at the economic summit in Davos, Switzerland, Jordan said something
during a panel discussion that set off a firestorm. Mark
Jurkowitz, in the Boston
Globe, and Howard
Kurtz, in the Washington
Post, brought matters up to date yesterday. It should be noted
that Kurtz is also an employee of CNN. And if you want to keep going
with the disclosures, I am a very occasional unpaid guest on Kurtz's
CNN show, Reliable Sources.
Jordan told Kurtz:
I was trying to make a
distinction between "collateral damage" and people who got killed
in other ways. I have never once in my life thought anyone from
the US military tried to kill a journalist. Never meant to suggest
that. Obviously I wasn't as clear as I should have been on that
panel.
Kurtz adds: "No transcript exists
of the Jan. 27 session, which was supposed to be off the record, and
a videotape of the event has not been made public."
Let's see the
tape!
What's disturbing about this is
that two members of Congress who were on hand when Jordan made his
remarks - Representative Barney Frank and Senator Chris Dodd -
clearly believed that Jordan had accused American soldiers of
targeting reporters. Read their comments. They come across as barely
mollified by Jordan's efforts to undo the damage.
Conservatives, as you can imagine,
have been going berserk. And in this case, why shouldn't they? (And
why shouldn't liberals - and not just Frank and Dodd.) I'm not going
to try to track it all down, but here's
a sample from last week,
from National Review Online.
Nearly two years ago,
Media
Log went after Jordan for a
New York Times op-ed piece in which he confessed that CNN had
covered up some of the worst of Saddam Hussein's crimes for years, in
part to protect CNN employees, in part to maintain access. But that
time, at least, we knew exactly what he'd said.
What Jordan said in Davos has
become a big enough story about an important enough institution that
it's time for all of us to have a chance to judge for
ourselves.
Finally, Jay Rosen has been right
on top of this. This
post is invaluable. Be sure
to read the "After Matters" addendum. Michelle Malkin interviews
Barney Frank. How odd is that?
MORE THAN YOU WANT TO KNOW.
I want to link to this
Slate piece before
it slips off the home page. Audiophile Evan Cornog has something to
tell you that you may not have realized - your iPod sucks - as well
as some not-so-comforting advice: there's nothing wrong with it that
$1200 worth of accessories won't fix.
You'll feel better if you read the
feedback at the bottom of the article. In any case, Media Log's
middle-age ears are perfectly happy with regular MP3 and AAC files
and standard-issue Apple earbuds.
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Sunday, February 06, 2005
SNOW JOB. Media Log was
ready to give Governor Mitt Romney a pass on his decision to fire
Katherine Abbott, the head of the Department of Conservation and
Recreation, for failing to get the snow cleared near West Roxbury
High School the other day. Maybe it wasn't Abbott's fault, maybe she
was otherwise doing a good job - but when four kids get struck by a
pickup truck, a high-profile sacrifice is sometimes
necessary.
Then I saw this
Herald story by
Franci Richardson and Michele McPhee reporting that Romney had
grabbed $45,000 from Abbott's underfunded agency for a Patriots
hoo-hah last week. Unbelievable. And shameless.
BLAME IT ON FRIEDMAN.
According to the Shorenstein Center's Richard Parker, the only big
idea put forth by economist Milton Friedman that hasn't been tried
yet is privatized Social Security accounts. Unfortunately, as Parker
observes in this
Globe essay, all of
Friedman's other ideas have been whopping failures.
posted at 4:19 PM |
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Thursday, February 03, 2005
DON'T PAY PER VIEW. Stephen
Humphries quotes me in today's Christian Science Monitor on
free
newspapers and websites,
and whether subscription fees are part of the past.
posted at 10:52 AM |
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JUST SAY NO. When Bill
Clinton proposed a massive restructuring of the health-care system
more than a decade ago, William Kristol - then a top Republican
strategist, now a pundit - had some simple advice: kill
it, sight unseen. As social
policy, Kristol's memo was irresponsible; as political hardball, it
was brilliant. The Clinton health-care plan was falsely labeled a
government takeover of the medical system, and the president's defeat
paved the way for the 1994 Republican congressional victory and the
rise of Newt Gingrich.
Do the Democrats have the backbone
to do the same thing with George W. Bush's Social Security proposal?
There are some encouraging signs. Senate minority leader Harry Reid
says that not
a single one of his members
will support Bush's plan to divert Social Security funds into private
accounts. But the Bush-Rove machine is an awesome sight once it gets
revved up. Bush today launches a tour aimed at building support for
his plan, and at pressuring Democrats in conservative states into
getting on board.
Unlike the Kristol maneuver of a
dozen years ago, killing private Social Security accounts would be
good social policy. Bush's description last night in his
State
of the Union address of the
woes facing Social Security might be said to fall into the category
of "accurate but not true." Here's the heart of his case:
Thirteen years from now,
in 2018, Social Security will be paying out more than it takes in.
And every year afterward will bring a new shortfall, bigger than
the year before. For example, in the year 2027, the government
will somehow have to come up with an extra $200 billion to keep
the system afloat - and by 2033, the annual shortfall would be
more than $300 billion. By the year 2042, the entire system would
be exhausted and bankrupt. If steps are not taken to avert that
outcome, the only solutions would be dramatically higher taxes,
massive new borrowing, or sudden and severe cuts in Social
Security benefits or other government programs.
The problem with this is that it is
based on a fundamental misunderstanding of how Social Security works
- and a cynical belief that the scare tactics contained therein will
be sufficient to persuade millions of Americans into stampeding his
way, lest they otherwise lose out on their benefits
altogether.
Media Log freely confesses to
having spent the better part of a career avoiding the details of
Social Security. Nevertheless, I have recently made some attempt to
come up to speed, and I'm utterly convinced that people who really
understand Social Security have proved there is no crisis. I highly
recommend this
January 16 New York Times Magazine
article by Roger
Lowenstein. Unfortunately, it's been moved into the archives, and
you'll need to pay a fee. But Lowenstein proves, pretty definitively
as far as I can tell, that Social Security should be able to survive
more or less intact until at least 2080 with just a few minor
tweaks.
A simpler version of the Lowenstein
argument is online here.
Paul
Krugman, Josh
Marshall, and
Bob
Somerby have all been
invaluable on this topic as well.
Social Security is a popular
program, and Democrats thrived politically for decades by claiming -
with some truth and a lot of hyperbole - that Republicans wanted to
destroy it and toss elderly folks out into the street. Now that we
have a Republican president who really does want to destroy
Social Security, can the Dems keep the courage of their
convictions?
A possible line of attack against
the Democrats was heard last night on MSNBC, with host Chris Matthews
and several of his guests observing sagely that though the Democrats
oppose private accounts, they haven't proposed any "alternative."
Look out: this could be effective. In fact - again, to pick up on
Lowenstein's analysis - the politically savvy and socially
responsible "alternative" may well be to emulate Bill Kristol
circa 1993, and just keep standing up and telling Bush, "No
way."
Conservatives aren't going to give
the Dems a break on Social Security no matter what they do. So the
Democrats might as well do the right thing.
STATE OF DISUNION. Media Log
is accustomed to falling asleep during the State of the Union. This
was especially true when Clinton was president, and he would
regularly drone into a second hour of 10-point proposals to solve
whatever.
Last night, though, I had some help
in staying awake: before the speech, I took part in a panel
discussion at Boston College put together by the student Democratic
and Republican organizations. Along with state senator
Brian
Joyce (D-Milton),
Beacon
Hill Institute executive
director David Tuerck, and WBET Radio (AM 1460) talk-show host
Stephen
Pina, we mixed it up for
about an hour and a half on Iraq, Social Security, and other issues -
including immigration, for which I was completely
unprepared.
One of the more interesting moments
came when Joyce asked for a show of hands on how many of the 50 to 75
students in attendance supported last year's attempt by the
Massachusetts legislature to amend the state constitution in order to
prohibit same-sex marriage. Even though the crowd was at least
one-third Republican, very few hands went up. When he asked how many
were in opposition, most of the hands went up. (Sorry if there's any
confusion. Oppose the amendment: for gay marriage; support the
amendment: against gay marriage.) Joyce - who also opposed the
amendment - said it confirmed his belief that opposition to gay
marriage is primarily generational. And he lamented Bush's tactic of
dividing people for political gain.
Joyce's critique was confirmed
during Bush's speech, when the president offered this aside: "Because
marriage is a sacred institution and the foundation of society, it
should not be re-defined by activist judges. For the good of
families, children, and society, I support a constitutional amendment
to protect the institution of marriage."
We already knew that, of course,
but it's always appalling when Bush decides he has to throw some red
meat to his base. Then, too, this came at a time when his new
secretary of education, Margaret Spellings, was denouncing
a kids' show (second item)
for depicting two normal families headed by lesbian
couples.
GANG LAND. Boston
Herald columnist Peter Gelzinis interviews
a mother who has a special
reason for not liking Bush's speech.
ONE DOWN, ONE TO GO. The
Boston Globe won its libel suit. The case against the
Boston Herald may wrap up toward the end of next
week.
Both of these cases are rather odd.
I sat through all of the testimony of Herald reporter Dave
Wedge, and most of that given by Globe reporter Walter
Robinson. At a minimum, the plaintiffs in a libel case must show that
the stories about them were substantially untrue. In the
Herald's case, the plaintiff, Judge Ernest Murphy, also has to
show that Wedge acted with reckless disregard for the truth, a very
high constitutional standard that applies to public
officials.
Yet the jury concluded in the
Globe case that the paper's reporting on Stoneham lawyer
Stephen Columbus was basically true - no libel there. (Globe
story here;
Herald story here.)
And in the case of the Herald, Murphy's side has not been able
to disprove the essential accuracy of Wedge's reporting (Globe
story here;
Herald story here.)
Then again, the trial has a few
more days to go. And you can never predict what a jury is going to
do.
posted at 8:45 AM |
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Wednesday, February 02, 2005
LEGALIZED OBSCENITY. Brought
to you by Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, and William Rehnquist! I'm
a bit slow getting to this, but I haven't seen a lot of coverage,
either.
About a year and a half ago
I
wrote about the case of
Extreme Associates, purveyors of such fine entertainment as Ass
Clowns 3. The makers of this harder-than-hardcore pornography,
Robert Zicari and Janet Romano, were being prosecuted by Attorney
General John Ashcroft under federal obscenity statutes. Zicari and
Romano were doing business in California; the case was brought in
conservative Western Pennsylvania.
Well, guess what? Extreme
Associates won. On January
20, US District Court judge Gary Lancaster dismissed the case against
Zicari and Romano, and possibly paved the way for the long-overdue
death of anti-obscenity laws. And if Lancaster is upheld, you can
send your thank-you cards to Supreme Court justices Scalia,
Rehnquist, and Thomas.
You may recall that, a few years
ago, the three conservatives dissented in Lawrence v. Texas,
which overturned anti-sodomy laws. Scalia - who actually wrote the
dissent - fumed that the majority decision could pave the way for
obscenity laws to be overturned as well. It turns out that Lancaster
read Scalia's dissent and agreed. Wrote
Lancaster:
In a dissenting opinion
joined by Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justice Thomas, Justice
Scalia opined that the holding in Lawrence calls into
question the constitutionality of the nation's obscenity laws,
among many other laws based on the state's desire to establish a
"moral code" of conduct.... It is reasonable to assume that these
three members of the Court came to this conclusion only after
reflection and that the opinion was not merely a result of
over-reactive hyperbole by those on the losing side of the
argument.
You've got to love the way that
Lancaster is willing to twist the logical knife into the conservative
Supremes.
Lancaster's opinion is a great
victory for free speech and privacy. It's also a challenge aimed
directly at the right-wing agenda being pursued by George W. Bush's
Justice Department.
PAINFUL TO READ. Take a look
at the side-by-side
comparisons posted by Bruce
Allen of a column by the Worcester Telegram & Gazette's
Ken Powers and an earlier piece by Sports Illustrated's Peter
King. Powers's career is obviously hanging by a thread at this point.
What was he thinking? (Via Romenesko.)
posted at 4:07 PM |
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MEDIA LOG ARCHIVES
Dan Kennedy is senior writer and media critic for the Boston Phoenix.